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Thousands pay final respects to Gülen’s brother in Erzurum

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Seyfullah Gülen, who died at the age of 72 on Friday and was the brother of Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen, was laid to rest in a funeral attended by thousands of people in the eastern province of Erzurum on Sunday.

Gülen passed away at the private Şifa Hospital in Erzurum, where he had been receiving treatment after a heart attack.

Gülen's funeral took place at Lala Paşa Mosque in the Yakutiye district, with thousands of people from across the country in attendance. Among those at the funeral were Turkish Confederation of Businessmen and Industrialists (TUSKON) President Rıza Nur Meral, Boydak Holding Chairman Hacı Boydak, Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV) President Mustafa Yeşil, Kimse Yok Mu President İsmail Cingöz, Zaman Managing Editor Veysel Ayhan, Cihan news agency General Manager Abdülhamit Bilici, Aksiyon Editor-in-Chief Bülent Korucu, Irmak TV General Manager Süleyman Sargın and many others from all walks of life.

Following the funeral prayer, Gülen was buried in the village of Korucuk in the district of Pasinler, also in Erzurum.

Gülen had been at the hospital due to heart and respiratory problems since suffering a heart attack four months ago. He was admitted to the intensive care unit a month ago after he was struck by partial paralysis. He had been on life support but failed to respond to the treatment given.

Known as Sıbgatullah by his family, he was a retiree who had worked at Atatürk University in the past. He was married and a father of nine. One of his sons is Samanyolu TV anchor Kemal Gülen.

On Friday, Seyfullah Gülen's younger brother Mesih Gülen said they had spoken with Fethullah Gülen but that they did not expect him to attend his brother's funeral.

Fethullah Gülen, who inspired the faith-based Hizmet movement which promotes inter-religious dialogue and educational activities, has been living in self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania since 1999 and has not returned to the country since then.

Unable to hold back tears, Mesih Gülen told Today's Zaman that his children had been expecting him to recover.

Another of Fethullah Gülen's brother, Hasbi Nida Gülen, died at the age of 66 in October 2012 at a hospital in Ankara, where he was receiving treatment for lung cancer.

The oldest of eight children, Fethullah Gülen has five brothers, the late Seyfullah (Sıbgatullah), Mesih, the late Hasbi (Nida), Salih and Kutbettin. He also has two sisters, Nurhayat and Fazilet.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 30 November 2014, Sunday

Related

'The work of Hizmet followers is really tackling the fundamentals of what is needed in the society'

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Fikir Atlasi*, Episode 20 (Full text)

I’m Chui L. Tsang**. I’m the President of Santa Monica College. I’m on my ninth year right now.

I came to know the Hizmet Movement through my involvement with the Pacifica Institute, and through some of the activities that I participated in the Pacifica Institute. The way that I came to know it is not that I wanted to find out about Hizmet Movement, but because of the work that Pacifica Institute was doing in promoting cross-cultural and inter-religious dialogue.

The kind of understanding that it’s trying to promote among different peoples of the world, beliefs, and backgrounds. I came to know some of the people and attended some of the functions, and through them, I learned about some of the actions that this Hizmet Movement is trying to find out.

And it’s not in any kind of a reading. But more like an observation of the activities, and the kind of dialogues that were taking place.

Hizmet Movement is represented by the people that I’ve met. I see that there is a common purpose of like-minded people, in a very grass-root way, coming together, pushing for some ideals that they believe in, in the society, and I’m touched by the genuine motivation of the people that I’ve met. I am impressed with the sacrifice that individuals that believe in this contribute to this collective goal that they are trying to reach.

And there are instances when I was in Turkey and also here in the US, I come across individuals and small groups of people who have contributed heavily to the this movement in their own efforts as well as in financial ways, far greater than I see what an average American would contribute to something they believe in.

There is a simple, deep belief in it and it’s very genuine, and I think that is really really impressive because that’s where the dedication is, and it has to be something that is for the greater good of the society that folks are doing that.

I think in Islam, as we know it, as it is presented to the public in the United States, it’s very negative because we see extremists being portrayed in a far greater proportion in the news media than we see how it is represented in everyday life of common people.

As in many other religions, it has its social values of spreading goodness, spreading love, and brotherhood amongst its believers, and, what I’ve met through with the people of the Hizmet Movement and the Pacifica Institute, what I see is really that side of the religion. It’s a universal love for each other, and there’s a gentleness in it, that is very different than what I see in the news and what is being portrayed typically in American news media… there’s the violence, there’s the extremists, the jihadist movements, and that’s almost exclusively that..

Hate does not advance the world, it does not improve human understanding, it will not bring us to a better place, yet the message that we hear is that, almost exclusively Muslim, is hate, and I know that that is not true. But, until one comes into contact with people who are really true believers, and they’re everything not like what we hear in the news watching TV or read about in the newspaper.

That’s when we come to realize that there’s also the other side of the religion, and I think it’s the bigger side of the religion that’s not being portrayed accurately in the media.

And, of course, in my dealings with people who are Muslim, the only people I have come across so far are folks who have been very sharing, who are willing to express themselves openly, and I didn’t detect any kind of hate, but, instead, accommodation and willingness to work with each other, and I think that is really important.

I think it’s extremely important, as an educator, as someone in an institution that deals with 30+ thousand students every year, that we allow our young people, our students to come to realize that they need to have a greater understanding of the different religions, and they are stepping into the world that’s much more complicated, in direction between the West and the rest of the world, are much deeper.

It would be very possible in their lifetime that they will have to deal with different people from different cultures, from different countries; they need to have a basic understanding of it, it’s not this caricature that we have of each other. Indeed, the world has improved over the years because we understand each other, or we’re willing to devote time to gain a better understanding of each other, not just to build walls separating us, and, as these walls come down, we need folks who have knowledge and the willingness and the empathy to want to understand each other, to work with each other, to make this a better place for us.

We cannot have enemies all around us. This is not how we want to live. We ought to be able to resolve issues by compromises, by negotiations, by gaining an understanding of each other, and not by going to war every time.

One of the examples of what I thought was very very impressive was that there’s this universal belief in providing education to children.

And, regardless of their background, and trying to promote the talents that are in people, boys and girls alike, they both have equal opportunities to access education. I thought that was something fundamentally important for any civilization, any group of people to move forward, that we provide these opportunities to the next generation, and as wide a scale as possible, so that we can create these knowledgeable people who can then help create this own way of living in an improved manner than it had been before.

And I think this cross-roads that we are seeing in many of the developing countries, and the little that I know about Turkey is that, in a way to become a modern society, to adopt many of the modern ways of democratic society and equality for all, it is an important step. We don’t have all of the answers, but I think we have got to find the answers, in order for us to find ways to combine the old values but in a modern society, in a modern way, where individual rights are respected, religious freedom is observed, and we’re doing it with a common goal of creating a better society for our people.

And so, I think it’s really important that we create these opportunities for our young people because with every person that we can add to the roster is another brain, another child being fostered, being nurtured and come to realize their potential.

And what better way is it then to have a massively well-educated population, to advance the country, to advance the living standards, to advance understanding for each other.

We know that education is really basic to a lot of the solutions that we can have. By having a larger, well-educated population, it only benefits society in the long run.

And, I think, the work that has been done by the followers of this thought, I think it’s really tackling the fundamentals of what is needed in the society.

**Profile: Dr. Chui L. Tsang is the President of Santa Monica College since 2006. Before Santa Monica College, Dr. Tsang served as President of San Jose City College for nearly nine years. Dr. Tsang earned a doctorate in linguistics from Stanford University. He has had a long and distinguished career in education, workforce training, economic development and nonprofits.

*Produced by Spectra Media exclusively for Irmak TV, Atlas of Thoughts (Fikir Atlasi) connects the scholars, politicians, jurists, religious figures, journalists, and academics reflecting on Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen and the Hizmet Movement with the audience. Each episode features a person from a different segment of the society with diverse experiences regarding the Hizmet activities and its volunteers. If you are interested to hear about the Hizmet and Mr. Gulen from these people’s perspectives, do not miss this show!
Source: Fikir Atlasi (Episode 20), © Spectra Media, 24 April 2014, Wednesday

Religious communities under threat

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Ali Bulaç

The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) continues to see the graft and bribery investigations of Dec. 17 and 25, 2013 as a plot against its power.

These operations might have targeted the government in some respects, but so far no concrete evidence has been produced about deliberate, systematic and willful inclusion of the Hizmet movement in this plot. It is true that the Hizmet movement's media group has been lending support to the graft and bribery investigation. In my opinion, their editorial policy might be a bit attenuated. But this editorial policy is not because the media group is a part of the efforts to overthrow the government, but because the government has made moves to shut down prep schools and there is dreadful uncertainty about where the government's operation to destroy the Hizmet movement will stop. It may be right or wrong, but the Hizmet movement believes that the government is trying to destroy it.

Certain prominent figures lend credence to this perception. For instance, Hayati Yazıcı, who was a prominent member of the previous Cabinet, said he didn't believe there was a “parallel structure” within the state apparatus and that evidence had to be produced to prove it. Former Interior Minister İdris Naim Şahin, who had worked with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for 20 years starting with the municipal elections of 1994 -- and who closely knows the state -- does not believe there is any “parallel structure” within the state. As he resigned from his party, he said that the government is under the control of an oligarchic network. Ertuğrul Yalçınbayır, one of the founders of the AK Party, called on Erdoğan to ensure that the members of such a network, if any, are found and tried.

There is no doubt that some bureaucrats sympathize with the Hizmet movement, but this applies to all groups and religious communities. Administrators, particularly governors, general directors, other public authorities and even ministers, are affiliated with some religious community or order. This is quite normal. What is not normal is civil servants abiding by the instructions of the leaders of their religious communities or orders, using their offices for unlawful purposes or taking part in conspiracies against the government. What should be done? If there is any conspiracy against the government, this should be investigated and prosecuted within the confines of the legal system. However, the government has been reshuffling about 10,000 civil servants without any proof or legal action. The government is implementing a collective and vengeful punishment on a specific community.

As for the investigations of Dec. 17 and 25, there may or may not be a deliberate plan behind them, but this should be investigated by the court. The suspects cannot be exonerated from the charges even if there is conspiracy behind those charges, and efforts to refrain from engaging the judicial process will undermine the prestige of AK Party circles -- even if they don't deserve it.

However, the "parallel structure" rhetoric, corruption, the incidents regarding semitrailers and the like, are being used effectively by some internal and external forces. Thus, seeds of hostility have been sown within the government, the Hizmet movement and other communities; everyone refuses to accept the charges.

Turkey and the Middle East are going through radical changes. There is a global and regional operation targeting religious groups. The aim is to purge all religious groups from public institutions. This purge is being conducted with coups or by abusing existing legislation. Over time, it has become clear that this operation is not restricted to the Hizmet movement, but targets all religious groups and communities. The ancient forces within the state have seized the initiative once again. At the end of the process, everyone will lose.

Published on Today's Zaman, 01 December 2014, Monday

[BOOK REVIEW] ‘Gülen: The Ambiguous Politics of Market Islam in Turkey and the World,’

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Jessica Rehman*

Gülen - The Ambiguous Politics of Market Islam in Turkey and the World
In “Gülen: The Ambiguous Politics of Market Islam in Turkey and the World” Joshua D. Hendrick, writing as a religious economist, seeks to contextualize the rise of Hizmet (the movement affiliated with Muslim scholar Fethullah Gülen) within the historical economic market expansions and contractions of Turkey. The religious and economic theoretical context of his work claims to diverge from typical approaches that understand the rise of Hizmet as a reaction to neoliberal globalization. Instead, Hendrick sees Hizmet as a successful supplier of a premier and alternate Turkish Muslim identity.

While Hizmet self-identifies as a nonpolitical transnational civil society, Hendrick feels it is appropriate to place it within the Turkish political discourse. Hizmet followers narrowly apply the term political “to connote either political party mobilization or state-directed protest/confrontation,” thus reinforcing the movement’s nonpolitical identity, claims the author (18). It is precisely this nonpolitical policy that Hendrick describes as a political strategy employed to rouse Turkey’s transformation. While Hendrick’s overall understanding of Hizmet’s organizational arrangement disregards the value of identity and religious altruism as participant motivators, he does detail the ways in which the movement’s activities yield forms of capital. However, his contribution is buttressed against his assertion that Hizmet is not a social movement working for the greater good, but a collective that engages in social action with the aim of passively increasing the “Muslim share” of social power in Turkey.

According to the author’s definition of the political, Hizmet’s actions are not altruistic, they are in line with global capitalism, politically supporting state policies that expand Turkey’s export economy. Thus, Hizmet’s rational support of economic expansion developed into an unspoken alliance with the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). Hendrick chronicles what he terms a Hizmet-AK Party “passive revolution of piety” -- however, his book (published last year) does not reflect the recent animosity between the two.

Indeed, much of the book is dedicated to tightening loose connections between Hizmet and the AK Party, specifically through Hizmet-affiliated media groups Hendrick contends operate as a propaganda machine that upholds the AK Party as the embodiment of secular modernity, reframing Islamic issues as individual human rights issues, a tactic employed to bring global scrutiny to local political quarrels (193). Turkey is not entrenched in a battle between Islam and modernity, according to Hendrick, but simply a battle over shares of social power, “an intra-elite struggle for the hearts and minds of the Turkish nation” (233). The aforementioned passive revolution of piety, according to Hendrick, espouses bourgeois Islamic ethics that preach hard work and privatization as integral parts of religion (25).

Hendrick’s tidy packaging of Hizmet and the AK Party misses the fractures within what he presents as a happy marriage. The initial alliance between Hizmet and AK Party might have been blissful, but this is certainly no longer the case.

Hendrick situates the rise of Hizmet within a historical series of expansions and contractions of freedoms meted out by the state, such as the revised 1982 constitution that tightened the government’s grip on volunteer organizations, and expanded liberties of news media, freeing it from state censorship (48). This explains Hizmet’s use of media for its social mobility projects.

The author chronicles Hizmet’s rise in the private education sector during the 1980s: “Structural shifts in the education system, an increasingly competitive centralized examination requirement, and a newly open market for private sector interests collectively facilitated the GM’s [Gülen Movement, Hizmet] shift from a relatively small community of students to one of Turkey’s most influential players in youth education” (128). In Hendrick’s view, the education sector is where the hearts and minds of Turkey’s youth are won. By offering special supplemental education, for a profit, and therefore superior preparedness for government examinations, Hizmet gained access to a primary recruiting pool.

Hendrick’s economically positioned history sets the stage for his main revelation: Hizmet’s purposeful employment of strategic ambiguity, a tactic used “to achieve a variety of goals that may complement or contradict one another” (56). The benefits of strategic ambiguity include the following: promotion of a unified diversity, ease of organizational change, autonomy of individual Hizmet followers, organizational flexibility in the face of maladaptive policies that inhibit expansion over time, plausible deniability of institutional connectivity, including financial overlaps and politically motivated self-promotion, and the preservation of positions of privilege, specifically that of Gülen (58).

For Hendrick, strategic ambiguity allows Hizmet members to claim “Gülen is at once the reason, motivator, and instigator” behind Hizmet’s transnational efforts “and that he leads no one and manages nothing” (72). The author highlights a controversy amongst Gülen’s followers about his birthday; some believe he was born in 1938, others 1941. Hizmet members explain away this discrepancy by citing regional traditions in eastern parts of Turkey that register births later than normal. Hendrick uses this trivial example to demonstrate how Hizmet engages alternation: the practice of reimagining the past for present purposes.

Hendrick views Gülen as an intellectual who escapes the need to prove his authority through rationally verifiable acts as his followers frame him as a charismatic leader whose authority is proved through miracles; Gülen’s miracle is Hizmet’s expansion and a sign of Gülen’s grace (80). Hizmet is thus socially organized as a charismatic aristocracy: a cohort that assumes a promotional role in legitimating their leader (81). With this in mind, the author deconstructs the composition of Hizmet into three strata: the cemaat (community), arkadaşlar (friends) and yandaşlar, which is deciphered as “sympathizers,” but is more appropriately translated as “supporters” (89).

Hendrick successfully debunks the widely applied communitarian model for understanding affiliation, which sees participation as a contribution to the collective with no gains for the individual. He demonstrates the considerable individual gains for Hizmet participants, specifically the opportunities for education and employment in Turkey and abroad. These individuals comprise Hizmet networks that continue to grow due to friendship marketing, the practice of depending on social networks for commerce and expansion (160). Based on Hendrick’s capitalist framing of Hizmet structures, motivations, and its emergence, Hizmet is not a selfless faith community, it is a for-profit network of products and services.

By focusing on strategic ambiguity, alternation and Gülen’s charisma, Hendrick attempts to chip away at the altruistic exterior with which Hizmet collectively identifies, and which Hendrick views as a superficial, non-mitigating factor in Hizmet’s growth (87). Instead of offering the scholastically arduous biography of Gülen that Hendrick states is a major gap in the literature, he sketches a dichotomous framework with irrational altruism on one side and rational capital gains on the other. He continuously dwells on the economically measurable gains of affiliates while only casually mentioning that participants also gain identity. Subsequently, Hendrick contradicts his earlier assertions that identity is a valuable commodity, reducing Hizmet participant motivations to solely capital benefits.

Hendrick again looks through this reductionist lens when he emphasizes the financial gains of Hizmet in the private education market. He confirms that Hizmet teachers work longer hours than other private educators, and take extra steps to engage the home lives of students, without direct financial increases, ensuring the quality of Hizmet schools (140). However, these facts do not outweigh Hizmet’s financial profits; for Hendrick there is no such thing as a passionate teacher, just a monolithic social movement preying on opportunistic self-interest in an effort to increase the “Muslim share” of economic power. Such contentions in fact refute his earlier statements that his framework is an alternate lens for understanding Hizmet growth outside of traditional paradigms about the rise of social movements as reactions to neoliberal globalization.

His ethnographic data reveals that Hizmet is pursuing cultural globalization, “the globalization that makes us all neighbors,” who need to get along regardless of differences (163). Hendrick interprets Hizmet’s outreach to other countries as a form of “da’wa, an invitation to Islam, proselytization” -- despite the absence of phrasing to warrant this reading in the data presented (164). Hendricks also dismisses excludes the current scholarship produced by such acclaimed authors as M. Hakan Yavuz, John L. Esposito, Helen Rose Ebaugh, and Sophia Pandya (70).

Hendrick’s main contribution to the current scholarly discourse is his specification of the ways in which Hizmet’s activities harvest forms of capital. He concludes that Hizmet is an adapting organization of autonomous actors and institutions, ruled by market rationalism that employs ambiguity as a strategy of protection.

The neat packaging of his thesis excludes the elemental humanness of Hizmet, packing a very complex multi-dimensional movement into an inflexible box. He falls short of his goal to offer a more nuanced understanding of Hizmet, instead presenting a reductionist interpretation, dismissing the role that religiosity can play in individual and collective identity formation, leaving his account of a multifaceted movement incomplete.

*University of California, Riverside

Published on Turkish Review, 01 May 2014, Thursday

Afghan journalists complain about Western coverage of their country

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A group of Afghan journalists who gathered in İstanbul on Monday expressed dissatisfaction with the coverage of their country in Western media, saying they only show terrorism and violence, and the journalists argue that it is not the full picture of reality of Afghanistan.

Members of the Afghan media met with colleagues for a workshop titled “Media and Peacebuilding” that was organized by the Medialog Platform of the Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV).

Afghan journalists acknowledged the structural problems in their country, such as limited access to the Internet and television, since about half of households still do not have electricity, but complained that Western media outlets only report on violence such as terrorist attacks and ignore other realities in Afghanistan.

Muhammad Faheem Dasthy, a journalist and a political analyst, argued that peace building through media is impractical because across the world, media outlets promote violence through their coverage.

Dasthy said that car bombs and other acts of terror are a part of their life in Afghanistan, without any doubt, but it is not the overall reality. However, when people look at their region from the Western perspective, all they see is bloodshed. Aral Azizullah joined his colleague in saying that Western media portray a negative image of their country.

A TV journalist from the Moby Group, Massood Sanjer, provided figures about the media atmosphere in Afghanistan. According to the data he provided, 58 percent of households in the country have a TV, but radio remains the main source of news for the nation. Internet penetration is still low, at just 5 percent. According to Sanjer, only 30 percent of Afghan people are “properly literate” referring to those who can understand what they read in a newspaper.

As far as media freedom is concerned, the Afghan journalists agreed that there is relative freedom in their country, despite the existence of government-sponsored media. While Dasthy argued that the media is politicized in Afghanistan and that many media outlets are dependent on political parties, another Afghan journalist Abdullah Khenjani said that compared to the rest of the region, Afghan media outlets are independent. He also argued that complete media independence does not exist anywhere in the world. According to him, independent media outlets such as his TV channel TOLO are the most influential, although no rating system exists in Afghanistan.

Providing a different part of the picture of Afghanistan, Dr. Semiha Topal from Fatih University also presented some findings from her field research on Turkish-Afghan schools and the education of girls in these schools. She noted that due to the fact that they offer a modern education that is compatible with Afghan values in these schools, the family of the former President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, had asked Turkish entrepreneurs to establish a school in his hometown.

Published on Today's Zaman, 02 December 2014, Tuesday

Kimse Yok Mu and Time to Help partnership for Kobani

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Denmark’s Time to Help charity, joined by Kimse Yok Mu Foundation reaching out to millions in need around the globe, initiated a aid campaign for Syrians.

The Syrians seeking refugee for over two months now in the southeastern Turkish city Suruc, Sanliurfa, from the ISIS AND PKK/YPG fight in the region received food and clothing assistance from the two foundations. The volunteers handed the donations of one tone of meat, 500 packages of staples, 850 blankets and hundreds of shoes to the needy living in harsh conditions in Suruc and neighboring villages. The refugees were grateful for the donations that arrived in winter when it’s most needed.

Time to Help president Mehmet Bayhan said they feel happy to have teamed up in a campaign with KYM. “We’ve witnessed despair, famine and destitution that the people in Denmark would never imagine. Glad that we’ve come all the way to extend a hand to our brothers and sisters here.

“It was heart wrenching to see the refugees having nothing but only a rug to lie on when we visited their shelters. It’s great that KYM identified addressed of those in need and has been periodically assisting them. Our joint aid campaigns will hopefully continue.”

Likewise, KYM Sanliurfa director Fevzi Sahin said, “We’ve been continuously assisting our Syrian brothers for nearly five years anyway. However, this joint campaign has motivated us even more. We handed the aid packages to the refugees going from door to door, regardless of the rough weather conditions. God will definitely remember the donations of the giving Turkish people.”

Speaking of the recent Cabinet decision rescinding KYM’s right to collect charity donations and the Council of State’s reinstatement, “It’s promising for these devoted donors to see justice still done despite all the oppression in the country,” Sahin said.

Published [in Turkish] on Arca Ajans, 27 November 2014, Thursday

Kimse Yok Mu provides medical supplies for Haiti

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Kimse Yok Mu Foundation and the US-based Embrace Relief jointly donated three-container-loads of medical supplies to Haiti combating cholera epidemic. The two of the containers were delivered to the hospital KYM built in the capital city Port-au-Prince and the remaining is to depart in two weeks.

Embrace Relief’s CEO Osman Dulgeroglu spoke to Zaman America. Dulgeroglu recalled 2010 earthquake claimed over 200 thousand lives affecting three million Haitians. Following the earthquake, a cholera outbreak has posed a significant threat to the country. He continued to say the KYM hospital, built in Croixdes Bouqet, Port-au-Prince, within 20 months following the disaster, aims to serve the needy Haitians. The foundation handed it over to the local officials but the Haitian Ministry of Health demanded their help with its administration, he added. Dulgeroglu noted the hospital will be a fully-equipped one once the remaining medical supply container arrives in.

Published [in Turkish] on Zaman Amerika, 26 November 2014, Wednesday

KYM donates blankets and clothing to children in Gaza

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Turkish charity Kimse Yok Mu (Is Anybody There) has recently donated 20,000 blankets to the needy in Gaza, as well as clothing for 1,000 Palestinian children.

The charity, which has provided aid to Palestinians since 2006, recently donated 10,000 blankets. Another 10,000 were given to Palestinian representatives on Thursday after their arrival in İstanbul. With the winter months approaching, the charity saw the need to aid the thousands of Palestinians who have been living in difficult conditions due to the devastating events in the region.

Officials from the charity have said that this week alone, the blankets that they have given to Palestinian amount to TL 750,000 worth of aid.

According to the charity, it has provided 2,000 packages of food as well as blankets and clothing this week. The first 10,000 blankets have already been given to residents of the Gaza Strip, while the rest of the blankets were given to Palestinian officials in İstanbul on Thursday.

Wafa Hemeid, the wife of the mayor of the city of Bethlehem in the West Bank, the West Bank's Social Policy Committee coordinator Najla Miqdad and businesswoman Laila Asfoura accepted the aid given by the charity with pleasure. “What really left a mark with me is that Kimse Yok Mu reacts so quickly. This really pleases us. We told the charity that the winter season is approaching and that people will begin to get cold. We also told them that we were in need of blankets and before we even came to İstanbul we learned that they had already sent aid to Gaza,” Miqdad told Today's Zaman.

Kimse Yok Mu foreign aid coordinator Yusuf Yıldırım, who supervises the aid that goes to the Palestinian regions, told Today's Zaman: “Right now our aid is continuing in Gaza. We received the request for help on Friday and on Monday we began to distribute the aid packages. The remaining 10,000 blankets will arrive in the West Bank in the cities of Hebron and Bethlehem, and public officials have come here to collect them. In total, TL 700,000-750,000 worth of aid has arrived in Palestine this week. We praise this and the aid to the area will continue.”

KYM under pressure

The reason that the charity is able to provide aid to those in unstable regions is due to the fact that government has lifted constraints that were imposed on the charity in October.

Kimse Yok Mu has been under pressure in recent months and has received threats from Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. On Sept. 30, the charity -- which is affiliated with the faith-based Hizmet movement -- had its right to collect charitable donations abruptly rescinded by the Cabinet. The decision came into effect, according to the Twitter account of Kimse Yok Mu President İsmail Cingöz, just before Eid al-Adha, a time when many practicing Muslims make donations to charity.

Erdoğan has also made remarks to African countries, warning them against “threats” from “dangerous structures that look like nongovernmental organizations or education volunteers.” These comments were directed at the Hizmet movement, which follows the teachings of Islamic scholar Fetullah Gülen. In the wake of a major corruption scandal which erupted following police investigations last year, the government has waged a smear campaign against Hizmet, which it accuses of masterminding the corruption probes to bring down the goverment.

After much controversy and outrage at the removal of a charity's ability to aid those in need, the 10th Chamber of the Council of State announced on Nov. 25 that the Cabinet's decision in October that removed Kimse Yok Mu's right to collect donations was against the law.

Çingöz said that the Council of State's unanimous decision confirms the organization's institutional transparency, accountability and reliability.

Published on Today's Zaman, 04 December 2014, Thursday

"Fethullah Gulen is one of the leading Islamic thinkers in the world"

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Fikir Atlasi*, Episode 21 (Full text)

My name is Azam Nizamuddin.**

I am an attorney in Chicago, an activist, and I also teach Religious Studies at Loyola University of Chicago.

I first met members of the Hizmet Movement in the late 1990s when I attended a panel discussion about the interaction between religion and science. And I was really struck by the sophisticated understanding and appreciation of science from a religious perspective, and in particular a Muslim religious perspective.

I remember meeting Dr. Zeki at that time and listening to his keynote address about that concept, and I was quite impressed with their level of understanding and appreciation and the whole notion of engaging religion and science. And I had thought that was very intriguing at that time.

My general view of the Hizmet Movement is that it is one of the leading, I would say, Islamic movements in the world today. It’s also one of the leading global spiritual and social movements in the world because of its impact, not only within Turkey but also in various Muslim countries in central Asia and now today in North America as well.

My views about Fethullah Gulen are that, I believe he is one of the leading Islamic thinkers in the world, but, more importantly, I think he is also an important global figure, particularly in today’s divide between the East and the West.

He’s somebody who tries to transcend the divisions that have been artificially constructed by either political players, religious players or other social-economic factors. And he tries to bridge the gap between human beings so that they can not only present the best possible light of a human being, the notion of insan al-kamil, the perfect human being, so you develop yourself spiritually, but his push towards development of education, particularly in underdeveloped communities, is really important today, to fight not only poverty but also ignorance. And, as you know, ignorance leads to misunderstandings, leads to poverty, and leads to hate. His push towards a better educated society, I think, is really very significant.

I think the Gulen, or Hizmet, Movement represents Islam by, on the one hand, maintaining a strong connection to and being rooted in the Islamic primary sources, such as the Qur’an and the Prophetic teachings, but, at the same time, not neglecting the world around it.

Unfortunately, there are many other movements around the globe, Muslim movements around the globe, which have decided that they don’t want to have anything to do with the West, they don’t want to have anything to do with modernity, or, in some instances, reject the modernity in the West.

And, I think that Fethullah Gulen promotes Islamic values, Islamic teachings without necessarily rejecting the world and rejecting the West, and I think that’s a very important and this really innovative development of the past 100 years of Islamic thinkers.

I think my view about Hizmet and other organizations involved in interfaith and interreligious dialogue is one that is a very necessary engagement in today’s reality.

We are no longer living in the Dar-ul Islam vs. the Dar-ul Harb dichotomy anymore.

Some people may still think we are but generally we are not.

There are Muslims in almost every single country. Many of them are as minorities, religious minorities, like in Australia or Sub-Saharan Africa, and, of course, in Europe and North America.

On the other hand you have Christian and Jewish communities in the Muslim world; in the Middle East, in South Asia, in North Africa, Indonesia and Malaysia, for example.

And, in those scenarios you have to be able to have positive engagement with other religious communities.

In fact, we know from our own tradition that the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) had engaged with religious minorities.

In fact, we know that the Christians of Najran, for example, visited him at the mosque and stayed in the masjid and prayed in the masjid in Madinah. They had positive interaction; they disputed, they argued, but, nevertheless, after three days they departed on positive relations and left.

That to me is the Prophetic model that Fethullah Gulen and the Hizmet Movement also want to follow, which is positive engagement.

Secondly, I think it’s important to understand for Muslims that religion—despite what certain people have argued in Europe—has not gone away.

In particular, in the United States, religion plays a central role. So, even, for example, when legislatures at the state and federal level begin any opening session, they begin with prayer.

Whenever a terrible incident, a tragedy occurs, religious notables will appear at ceremonies, immediately, to bless or to offer prayers. Muslims need to be at those events, and they need to be front and center to show that they are also involved.

So, if you are not engaged, with your fellow Catholics, with your fellow Protestants, with your fellow Jews, and others, then, you’re going to be isolated and, ultimately, you’re going to be ignored.

And, Islam has never been a religion that was ignored and that did not participate in the world and particularly, in events of the world.

And, I think, Fethullah Gulen and the Hizmet Movement understand that and that’s why they’re willing to take those risks because, in some sense, it involves risks. But to do that, you have to be positive, and you have to have confidence in your capabilities and in your knowledge of your religion, and I think that’s what Fethullah Gulen provides.

What I think about the development of the schools and the educational program of Hizmet is that it is really, I think, an integral part of not only the Movement itself but also in terms of how a religious movement can be successful.

In other words, many Islamic movements make the mistake of trying to work from the top down.

They think by attaining political authority that somehow their ideas will filter to the bottom, almost in a trickle-down effect.

But, that really has not been a very successful program; it has never worked in any society. We can see that in Pakistan, we can see that in Egypt.

But rather, if you have a program where people are educated from the roots, from the ground level, you can inspire and educate those people then to develop into significant players in the world scene, particularly as teachers, as educators, as journalists and other professionals.

And that, I think, has been a strength of the Hizmet Movement.

Secondly, I think that the Hizmet Movement draws its inspiration and teaching from Said Nursi who, in the early 20th century, argued that religion and science are compatible; that the science that the West has promoted since the late 17th and 18th century, particularly Post-Enlightenment, has permitted people to develop but at the expense of faith and morality, and I think Said Nursi argued that you can have faith, morality and science together.

And I think the Hizmet Movement, and in particular Fethullah Gulen, draws from those teachings and has that engaged in very positive aspects of promoting education.

So he promotes these schools which produce students who excel in Math, who excel in Science, and who even will excel in other subjects, particularly in Social Sciences and Humanities.

Therefore this educational project, as envisioned by Fethullah Gulen’s teachings and as reflected in these schools, promotes a positive development within those respective communities but also on a more global scale.

The charitable work and efforts of the Hizmet Movement, are a very important component of Fethullah Gulen’s teachings. It’s inspired, of course, from the Prophetic teaching and the Qur’anic instruction to provide people with charitable giving, not only in terms of what you normally refer to as zakat but also in terms of sadaqah, which is general charitable giving.

This is an essential pillar of Islamic ethics and Islamic social discourse. You not only help those in need but help those who ask, help your relatives, help your next of kin, help orphans, etc.

And, I think he is continuing that legacy within the Islamic tradition but also on a need basis today. With so much poverty in places like Somalia and Afghanistan and Iraq where, when many NGOs left, the Hizmet Movement went into dangerous places such as Somalia to provide support to individuals and communities who have been really hurt by the war that has been engaging for a couple of decades.

My thoughts about the conflict with respect to the recent tensions in Turkey and the corruption scandal with the AKP movement and party as well as these allegations that Hizmet Movement has been trying to undermine the AKP are simply that I think this conflict to me demonstrated the consistency and the credibility of the Hizmet Movement in the sense of, it is not interested in attaining power, it is not interested in political power in Turkey or elsewhere in the world, but it wants to adhere to a certain pro-democratic, pro- liberty and freedom agenda so that those who are elected to political power not only have a responsibility to provide economic development and to provide education to their people but, at the same time, are held to the highest ethical standards of conduct.

I think the Hizmet Movement has been consistently asking for that without necessarily asking for anything in return as a quid pro quo, in terms of being quiet and then attain power.

I think that’s a positive reflection upon the Hizmet Movement.

**Profile: Azam Nizamuddin is an activist and an attorney. He is an Adjunct Professor in the Department of Theology at Loyola University of Chicago. He teaches courses on Islam, and History of Islamic Thought. He has previously taught at Elmhurst College in Illinois. He lectures on Islamic theology and law, and on Islamic civilization to churches, synagogues, civic organizations across the country.

*Produced by Spectra Media exclusively for Irmak TV, Atlas of Thoughts (Fikir Atlasi) connects the scholars, politicians, jurists, religious figures, journalists, and academics reflecting on Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen and the Hizmet Movement with the audience. Each episode features a person from a different segment of the society with diverse experiences regarding the Hizmet activities and its volunteers. If you are interested to hear about the Hizmet and Mr. Gulen from these people’s perspectives, do not miss this show!
Source: Fikir Atlasi (Episode 21), © Spectra Media, 30 April 2014, Tuesday

US, Turkish charities hold blanket drive

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In a joint campaign, the Northern Virginia Regional Commission (NVRC), the American Turkish Friendship Association (AFTA) and Embrace Relief held a blanket drive for Syrian and Iraqi refugees in the US on Thursday and collected 25,000 blankets, which will soon be shipped to Turkey.

The drive, which was held last year as well, was also able to raise $100,000 in donations in addition to the 25,000 blankets, a 38 percent increase compared to last year's drive. In recent years the joint campaign has collected more than 40,000 blankets and donations of around $115,000.

“Northern Virginia residents and businesses have once again risen to the challenge to help us provide humanitarian relief to those folks who have fled their homes due to the Civil War in Syria and the violence related to ISIL [Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant] in the region,” said NVRC Executive Director Mark Gibb during the drive on Thursday.

Gibb expressed gratitude for everyone's support, including people at the Paxton and Maersk shipping firms who donated their services to truck and ship the blankets.

As part of the campaign, a website was established, www.helpsyrianrefugees.us, to help publicize the blanket drive. Reportedly, in a 45-day period the website had more than 8,000 views.

The blankets will be trucked to Norfolk, Virginia, to be loaded on a Maersk freighter, which will depart Norfolk for the port city of Mersin, where the blankets will be offloaded and distributed to refugees in camps and in the community.

This year's blanket drive campaign was co-chaired by Fairfax Board of Supervisors Chairman (BOS) Sharon Bulova, Arlington BOS Chairman Jay Fisette, Prince William BOS Chairman Corey Stewart, Loudoun BOS Chairman Scott York and Alexandria Mayor Bill Euille.

During the drive, Bob Lazaro, director of regional energy planning at the NVRC, on his Twitter account expressed appreciation in Turkish for the efforts of the Turkish aid organization Kimse Yok Mu (Is Anybody There), which helped with the organization of the campaign.

Published on Today's Zaman, 05 December 2014, Friday


Related

Filipino - Turkish Tolerance School students excel in ICAS 2014 exam, Ten others top in campus journalism

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At least nineteen students of the Filipino - Turkish Tolerance School (FTTS) have excelled in Mathematics, Science and English during an examination given by the International Competition Assessment for Schools (ICAS).

FTTS Director Zafren Elen said of the 22 students who took the ICAS exam for Mathematics last August 16, 2014, nineteen have emerged as awardees on three categories - distinction, credit and merit awards.

Distinction awardees are those who belong to the Top 10% of all examinees; credit awardees are in the Top 25% and those in the Top 45% merit awardees.

ICAS is a foundation based in Australia which provides assessment service for students who excel in Mathematics, Science and English.

FTTS Director Elen also bared that their young writers have shown their writing prowess in the different categories during the annual Division School Press Conference, which was held at Don Pablo Memorial High School last November 29, 2014.

The annual event aims to discover young talents in journalism in eight

different categories, namely: Sports Writing, News Writing, Feature Writing, Copy Reading and Headline Writing, Editorial Writing, Science and Technology Writing, Editorial Cartooning and Photojournalism.

Elen said 39 elementary schools and 33 high schools participated in that citywide competition.

Published on Zamboanga Today Online, 05 December 2014, Friday

‘Building Bridges Through Education’ explores education's role in a globalized society

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CALIFORNIA — Leaders of more than a dozen universities from around the world recently visited California University of Pennsylvania to discuss collaborative educational opportunities and the cultural gap that education can bridge.

“Building Bridges Through International Cooperation: An International Event” was sponsored by Cal U in cooperation with the Turkish Cultural Center of Pittsburgh

A daylong series of activities organized by the Office of International Programming focused on opening doors to study abroad opportunities, student and faculty exchanges, internships and cultural collaboration. Events included a forum attended by Cal U students, faculty and staff.

Referring to the day’s theme, interim University President Geraldine M. Jones noted that “bridges carry traffic in both directions.” While enhanced study abroad opportunities may broaden horizons for those Cal U students who travel overseas, accepting greater numbers of international students can benefit the entire campus community.

“In our increasingly globalized society, the day-to-day conduct of business and civic affairs puts us in contact with people of many different backgrounds,” Jones explained. “Academic institutions have a responsibility to prepare students for this progressively borderless environment. And our campus becomes a richer cultural and intellectual environment when it includes people of varying backgrounds and differing points of view.”

The universities whose leaders visited Cal U are members of UNIBIR, the International Association of Universities, a worldwide consortium of higher education institutions. Attending were rectors (presidents) and other leaders from Canik Basari University, Turkey; Fatih University, Turkey; International Ataturk-Alatoo University, Kyrgyz Republic; International Black Sea University, Georgia; International Turkmen University, Turkmenistan; Ishik University, Iraq; North American University, United States; Suleyman Demirel University, Kazakhstan; Suleyman Sah University, Turkey; Turgut Ozal University, Turkey; Universidad Abierta Interamericana, Argentina; Zaman University, Cambodia; and Zirve University, Turkey

Many of the education leaders are part of a movement based on the teachings of Fethullah Gulen, a worldwide civic initiative rooted in the spiritual and humanistic tradition of Islam.

The focus of the Gulen or Hizmet movement is to unite humans and creating bridges between the Muslim world and the West and the poor and the wealthy by embracing and practicing certain values, spiritual and material, such as love, tolerance, human rights, democracy, synthesizing science and religion.

Education is the pivotal service field in the movement that begins teaching tolerance to young students in Turkey, and in more than 1,500 schools around the world, in hopes of creating acceptance of cultural differences across the globe.

Through the Peace Island Institute, a non-profit organization, educational leaders are hopeful to create realms of co-existence.

“Forget about politics, issues and anything that has hatred in it,” said Professor Recai Pecen, president of North American University, the event’s guest speaker.

He explained the moderate-Muslim movement cannot promote or tolerate terrorism and should separate the relationship of state and religion.

Pecen said Hizmet projects in Turkey incorporates, in addition to schools and universities, banks, hospitals, and media to deliver the message that Gulen taught — give and serve to please God.

“He believed as you give, God gives you more. Dialogue is not a luxury it is a necessity to deliver the message,” said Pecen.

Dr. Serif Ali Tekalan, rector at Faith University explained universities should operate outside of politics in order to help students accept cultural differences in a globalized world while teaching a dedicated service to humanity.

Tekalan showed a photo of a homeless Turkish woman and her children.

“It’s not just taking a photograph of her but learning from the photograph,” Tekalan said.

The movement teaches that a perfect and exalted human being is formed through science, humanities and religious teachings that operate together and complement one another.

Jones stressed study abroad programs promote diversity, religious and social tolerance and build better societies.

“The world is a big but sometimes not a big as we think,” she said.

Cal U has a memorandum of understanding with 20 international universities including Fatih University where Jones spoke at commencement exercises in June, where she said she felt at home.

“All these feelings of goodwill and how we connect and build relationships began because of the common bond of education,” Jones concluded.

President Jones received the Peace Islands Institute’s 2014 award for academic excellence.

Published on Herald-Standard, 06 December 2014, Saturday

Imaginary enemy created to cover up corruption, says Yıldırım

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Former AK Party Burdur deputy Yıldırım says that the ruling AK Party conjured up enemies to cover up the December 17-25 corruption probe.

Speaking about the corruption probe, Burdur independent deputy Hasan Hami Yıldırım said that the December 17-25 corruption investigation proved that the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) has been 'systematically corrupted.'

“Everyone was aware of corruption”

Stating that he started to see for the first time the corruption in 2010, Yıldırım said, “We were hearing about the graft within some ministers. All of the deputies were aware of this in the AK Party. But I thought that corruption would be prevented if it really existed. But it wasn't, and December 17 has showed us that the corruption was systematic by the AK Party.”

“Imaginary enemy created”

Arguing that an imaginary enemy was created to cover up the corruption investigation made public on December 17 and 25, Yıldırım said “There was no other way to cover up the corruption. To cover it up, they needed an imaginary enemy and they created the ‘parallel structure’.”

The “parallel structure” is a term invented by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to refer to followers of the Hizmet movement that was inspired by Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen, particularly followers within the state bureaucracy. He made the elimination of the so-called parallel structure a priority after a major corruption scandal involving people in his inner circle erupted with a wave of detentions on Dec. 17, 2013.

The president, who was then prime minister, framed the corruption investigation as a “plot against his government” by the Hizmet movement and foreign collaborators. At the same time, the government introduced laws to expand its grip on the judiciary and ban Twitter and it dismissed thousands of judges, prosecutors and police officers, including those who were involved in the investigation.

Hasan Hami Yıldırım was AK Party Burdur deputy until the last day of 2013. On the last day of 2013, Yıldırım resigned in protest of the government's response to the graft scandal.

The highly-publicized investigation, which was kicked off on Dec. 17, 2013, implicated sons of several ministers, pro-government businessmen and the CEO of the state bank. At the heart of the probe was Iranian businessman Reza Zarrab, who was involved in money laundering schemes as part of his strategy to bypass US-led sanctions on Iran.

Published on BGNNews, 07 December 2014, Sunday

President Erdoğan envies the Hizmet according to prominent columnist

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Popular daily Zaman newspaper’s prominent columnist Ahmet Turan Alkan, expressed that the ruling AK Party has plans to transform its political base into its own movement.

With close to 40 years of experience as a columnist, including substantive experience with Zaman newspaper, Ahmet Turan Alkan’s career has given him insight into Turkey's political environment.

Turkish public discourse reached a whole new dimension after the 2013 December 17-25 corruption probes implicating the ruling AK Party (Justice and Development Party) on bribery and illegal gold trade with Iran. Many accuse the government and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for attempting to cover up by having the charges dropped.

In retrospect Alkan noted, “The corruption allegations could have reached Erdoğan. He should have been held accountable. This is how a country under the rule of law should operate.”

Equally so, the columnist also defends the view that the government was not always as corrupt, and turns to the point of where Turkey got engaged with Iran to conduct illegal gold trade for oil, in violation of US sanctions.

“Up to this point we had heard of small cases of corruption in the municipality but this was a major incident,” Alkan reflected on its significance.

He recounted, “The process started with the Turkey acting along with Iran to break the US sanctions. Iran tried to sell its oil to cover the necessities of its country…As Iran’s trade moved over Turkey, a movement of money laundering became ever-present.”

The tug-of-war

Subsequent to the corruption probe the AK Party had denied the charges, blaming the Hizmet movement accusing it of orchestrating the probe.

“This is when the antagonizing rhetoric started,” according to Alkan. President Erdoğan has in fact openly vowed to bring down the movement and anyone it perceives as being affiliated with it such as numerous private teaching institutions which prepare students for university entrance exams.

However Alkan equally notes that the Erdoğan always harboured hostilities towards the Movement.

“This tug-of-war would have already occurred without December 17 - there were signs of this before with Erdogan’s plans to close down private institutions the hostilities became apparent.”

The prominent columnist elaborates “Erdogan wants to establish his own movement of followers. He is jealous of the Hizmet movement’s ability to appeal to the grass roots of the Turkish public and wanted to emulate the Hizmet’s model.”

One of the key establishments which would facilitate this was the TÜRGEV (Foundation of Youth and Education in Turkey) which features Erdoğan’s son Bilal Erdoğan. The foundation itself has been suspected of being a front for Erdoğan’s business interests as well.

“The TÜRGEV foundation was established for the purpose to transform political support into a socio-political movement, which would form the basis for a long-lasting governorship.”

Future of Turkey likely to be coalition governments

It has been 12 years since the AK Party took government, and has presided uninterrupted ever since.

However crackdowns on dissent and protesters, hostilities against the Hizmet Movement, corruption allegations, and new judicial reforms have all been slammed as steps towards totalitarianism.

This power may bear a cost as Ahmet Turan Alkan elaborated; “I do not believe that the AK Party will be able to continue with its current mass support. Their power is starting to become a problem.”

The columnist also reflected upon the 52% vote which won Erdoğan presidency in August stating, “the party is well aware that it has not shown a performance which would justify a 52% vote. There is an environment of panic.”

Alkan added that the opposition parties may join forces; “Turkey will return to the period of coalitions of a number of political parties. I believe it will be difficult for the AK Party to retain victories as a single party. In such a tumultuous environment for the sake of a democratic culture, coalition governments will serve the country better.”

Published on BGNNews, 07 December 2014, Sunday

Another thousands of locals now have access to drinking water in Chad and Cambodia

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Kimse Yok Mu Foundation (KYM), which has been carrying out water projects in numerous countries particularly in Africa, recently made 15 water wells available to the locals in Cambodia. Having a record of 286 water wells in Chad, the foundation will raise the number to 362 after the completion of 76 of them. The latest two projects will allow 20 thousand locals to drink clean water in Cambodia and Chad.

The Cambodian undersecretary to the ministry of rural development Hap Omaly said, “We’ve tested the water and saw that it’s above the Cambodian standards in terms of its purity, arsenic, minerals and various chemical content. On behalf of his ministry, Omaly expressed thanks to the foundation that adopted the motto “Access to clean water is a basic human right,” and established hundreds of them around the world. Omaly referred to the efforts as “promising beginnings for the relations between the two countries.” He went on to say, “We are grateful to you for your interest in our country and the water wells.”

Similarly, Chad’s ministry of religious affairs in a letter to KYM said, “May God save Turkey and its people and let them continue as an exemplary nation.”

As a part of its efforts for Chad, KYM established 286 water wells in the country to date. Moreover, construction of 76 of them is well underway.

“KYM handed over the fountain in Shariqu Mosque to our ministry. About 20 thousand of people have been benefiting form this fountain. We’re grateful to you for all the humanitarian aid you’ve provided,” the letter reads.

Under the slogan “Access to clean water is a basic human right,” KYM has been continuing its water well projects around the world. It’s tackled the water-related problems particularly in the African continent. The project director Vasfi Basak said the foundation has made a total of 1444 water wells available to some three nillion the locals globally. More are underway in the continent and countries including Pakistan, Palestine, Cambodia and many more, Basak noted.

Published [in Turkish] on Haberler.com, 27 November 2014, Thursday

As Hagupit Strikes the Philippines ASYA Group of Kimse Yok Mu put on full alert

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Typhoon Hagupit which was slammed into Philippines on Friday with 175 km/h velocity forced 2.5 million people to leave their homes. Turkish charity of Kimse Yok Mu’s ASYA search and rescue team representative held a press conference in Istanbul on Monday about the disaster and give critical information about latest situation in the locations which have been severely hit by typhoon Hagupit.

ASYA Coordinator İsmail Büyükay gave detailed information on Typhoon Hagupit and said there has not been major devastation as much as Haiyan, which had caused tremendous human loss and property damages mainly in Tacloban.

Büyükay stated that, a total of 700 thousands of people have been evacuated since the beginning of the typhoon. More than 60 thousands of people, who live in the coastal areas, were placed to the more reliable building.

“We took some information that at least 4 people have been killed during since the beginning of the typhoon and 80 per cent of a city which was hit severely by Hagupit damaged.

He also added that as ASYA they are at vigilance. We have been following the Hagupit from the map since it has been started to striking the Philippines. “We have been taking information from the Philippines since the beginning of the Hagupit,” noted Büyükay .

Typhoon Haiyan, known in the Philippines as Typhoon Yolanda, was one of the strongest tropical cyclones ever recorded; devastating portions of Southeast Asia, particularly the Philippines, in early-November 2013. It is the deadliest Philippine typhoon recorded in modern history, killing at least 6,300 people in that country alone. Haiyan is also the strongest storm recorded at landfall, and the strongest typhoon ever recorded in terms of one-minute sustained wind speed. As of January 2014, bodies were still being found.

The thirtieth named storm of the 2013 Pacific typhoon season, Haiyan originated from an area of low pressure several hundred kilometers east-southeast of Pohnpei in the Federated States of Micronesia on November 2, 2013. Tracking generally westward, environmental conditions favored tropical cyclogenesis and the system developed into a tropical depression the following day. After becoming a tropical storm and attaining the name Haiyan at 0000 UTC on November 4, the system began a period of rapid intensification that brought it to typhoon intensity by 1800 UTC on November 5. By November 6, the Joint Typhoon Warning Centre (JTWC) assessed the system as a Category 5-equivalent super typhoon on the Saffir-Simpson hurricane wind scale; the storm passed over the island of Kayangel in Palau shortly after attaining this strength. The Kimse Yok Mu association is renowned as a global charity that manages to reach the most remote corners of the world.

Published on Cihan, 08 December 2014, Monday

[BOOK REVIEW] Preventing Violence and Achieving World Peace: The Contributions of the Gulen Movement

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The-Contributions-of-the-Gulen-Movement
One might think that a seemingly utopian goal of preventing violence and achieving world peace is a finished debate because conceptual and theoretical discourse related to ethnic and confessional discord have reached an impasse. However, despite the fact that founding principles of modern liberalism, laid by the Enlightenment-era thinkers, have been contemplated for centuries, still humans face great challenges in putting some of these principles in practice. Soltes and Johnson undertake a difficult intellectual project by pondering whether we as people can address apparently endless conflicts in the world, particularly those arising from misunderstandings of Islam.

In this edited volume, a team of prominent scholars, activists, and policymakers discuss the contributions of the Gulen movement to the interfaith dialogue and its broader effort to oppose violence and shape universal peace. Free speech, human rights, and religious freedom have long been known as key elements in democracy and were central pieces in the entire scholarly literature on legal and moral philosophy. However, few studies have previously looked at these notions through the prism of the Gulen philosophy. Soltes, Johnson, and their colleagues present a fresh look at confessional relations in an increasingly globalized world. By analyzing contributions of the Gulen movement they show that interfaith dialogue is at the heart of our understanding of a diverse, modern society.

In eight chapters scholars discuss various aspects of the Gulen philosophy and activities of the Hizmet movement inspired by Fethullah Gulen’s ideas. Akbar Ahmed sets the stage for the rest of the book with an illuminating foreword. He invites the world to heed Gulen’s message because it promotes a compassionate version of Islam that broader audiences need to know about. More importantly, for him, Muslims themselves need to rediscover the importance of compassion in Islam. In the introduction, Ori Soltes and Margaret Johnson lay out the conceptual framework for the analysis of the Gulen movements and provide a roadmap for the following essays. In the next chapter Soltes puts Gulen’s approach to education in a broader context of educational aims of Socrates and Plato. The author points out the importance of nurturing well-educated individuals. Education, for him, is a key element for living in harmony with those who are different.

In chapter two Heon Kim discusses Gulen’s philosophy in the context of broader debates on dialectical thinking. He defines Fethullah Gulen’s teachings as “dialogic humanism” and collates Fethullah Gulen’s views with ideas developed by Hegel, Marx and Huntington. The main distinction and contribution of Gulen’s perspective, according to Kim, is offering an alternative to conflict-based and superior-inferior-based frameworks that dominated the earlier scholarship. In chapter three, Wilhelmus Valkenberg addresses the issue of dialogue and tolerance. For him, Gulen’s understanding of Sufism is exemplary for the advancement of a universal peace.

In chapters four and five, Imad-Ad-Dean-Ahmad and Thomas Block explore the role of education in achieving world peace and Gulen’s contribution to this effort. Ahmad criticizes us-versus-them mentality that apparently came to dominate educational systems in some societies. In contrast, he shows that the model implemented in Gulen inspired schools could be an example of a novel approach to education that bears a peace promoting agenda. Block points out Gulen’s effort to promote idea-sharing. His reading of Gulen’s philosophy leads him to conclude that sharing of ideas is part of the Abrahamic heritage and is needed for understanding and tolerance among diverse peoples.

Terry Mathis and Ori Soltes continue this line of arguments in chapters six and seven. Mathis points out that members of Abrahamic traditions should be able to find the inspiration for universalism in their own books. He underlines the significance of Fethullah Gulen’s work in this direction. Ori Soltes delves deeper into analysis of the works of major mystics associated with Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, and Hinduism. As a result, he arrives to a similar conclusion that all of them essentially agreed upon universality and the One Creator. Soltes, ultimately, draws attention to the fact that Fethullah Gulen’s works and the movement inspired by his teachings clearly articulate the same message. In the concluding essay, Eileen Eppig elaborates on Gulen’s contribution to our understanding of peace in the world. She suggests that Gulen’s teachings can have a transformative impact on individuals and the way they think about diverse faith traditions, cultural backgrounds, and the nature.

The Gulen movement – a transnational movement, which represents novel approaches to the “synthesis of faith and reason,” peaceful coexistence of education and spirituality – continues to inspire many scholars to undertake full-time research on Gulen’s philosophy and its contribution to the world peace. This volume came at the time when explaining the struggles within Islamic societies has become needed more than ever. Taken together, Soltes, Johnson, and their colleagues, in a deeper and more critical spirit than was formerly possible, delve into the intellectual world of one of the most influential thinkers of the present and examine various contributions of the movement inspired by his ideas to the world peace. There is no doubt that this important study advances public knowledge of moderate Islam and highlights opportunities for improved human understanding. All of these make it a major contribution to the scholarly literature on the topic. While a broader academic exchange would certainly be very welcome, scholars interested in understanding the philosophy of Fethullah Gulen and the Gulen Movement’s contribution to the world peace today should read this book.

Review of Ori Soltes and Margaret Johnson’s Preventing Violence and Achieving World Peace: The Contributions of the Gulen Movement. 2013. New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing, 156 pp. US $69.26. ISBN 9781433120206.

Retrieved from http://www.fethullah-gulen.org/op-ed/review-contributions-gulen-movement.html

Mufti's office attempts to evict educational group from Antalya center

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The office of the mufti in the Muratpaşa district of the southern province of Antalya issued an order on Monday evicting a group affiliated with the Hizmet movement from its educational center, a building it has the legal right to use until 2017.

The Durmazlar Group Educational Center, which operates under the Antalya-based Hamle Educational Centers, was the latest target of Antalya officials on Monday. Four educational centers of the Hamle group have been sealed by municipality officials for allegedly lacking the necessary permits.

Officials from the Muratpaşa Mufti's Office ordered the eviction of the Durmazlar Group Educational Center, although the protocol the center signed with the Religious Affairs Directorate gives it the right to use the building it is in until 2017. The mufti's office said they would use police force if the center's administrators fail to comply with their order.

However, hours after the eviction was ordered, the center's administrators obtained an injunction on the Muratpaşa Mufti's Office's decision from a local court.

Hamle Group Deputy Chairman Ali Dil underlined that the center has the legal right to use the building until 2017 based on the protocol it had signed. “When we talked to jurists, they said this protocol cannot be canceled without a court ruling,” he said.

The educational centers targeted in Antalya are close to Hizmet, a movement inspired by Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has accused the Hizmet movement of being behind a massive corruption investigation. He claims that the investigation was an attempt to overthrow his Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, although he has not been able to produce any evidence to justify his claims.

In May, Erdoğan, who was prime minister at the time, publicly asked his AK Party supporters not to send their children to schools affiliated with the Hizmet movement. “We will not even give water to them [Hizmet members],” he vowed.

Erdoğan had also ordered officials at municipalities run by the AK Party to use any means to seize land and buildings belonging to Hizmet.

Similar moves recently targeted institutions close to Hizmet in other parts of Turkey. In July, the Bolu Municipality sealed two schools belonging to businessmen close to the movement. In early June, the İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality stopped the construction of an education complex on privately owned land on the pretext that the land would be used as a green area and a gathering spot in the event of an earthquake. The municipality failed to obtain the required approval from other authorities in the province to halt the construction of the education complex. The complex belongs to Fetih Eğitim İşletmeleri (Fetih Educational Operations), which has close ties to the Hizmet movement.

Published on Cihan, 09 December 2014, Tuesday

The Persecution of the Hizmet (Gülen) Movement in Turkey: A Chronicle

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The Persecution of the Hizmet (Gülen) Movement in Turkey: A Chronicle
Since the outbreak of the corruption scandal in Turkey in December 2013, Prime Minister and then President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his government have been particularly targeting the Hizmet (Gülen) movement. According to Erdogan and his lieutenants, the alleged charges brought forward by Istanbul prosecutors on December 17 and 25, 2013, were in fact insidious attempts to topple the AKP government that were orchestrated by Hizmet sympathizers and affiliates in the Turkish state and bureaucracy, including judiciary and police forces. The Hizmet movement, which suddenly found itself on the defensive, has been vehemently denying these allegations, calling them baseless accusations serving to cover up the corruption charges. While the corruption cases were effectively rendered obsolete through a series of laws and executive interventions aimed at courts, the attacks on Hizmet continue in full force, evolving recently from rhetoric to action.

This work aims to exhibit various human rights violations, defamation, hate speech, unlawful conduct, incrimination and other misconduct perpetrated by Turkish government officials and pro-government media against the individuals and entities associated with the Hizmet movement in Turkey. Special focus on the Hizmet movement is warranted for two reasons. First, although the increasingly authoritarian AKP government is generally averse to any form of dissent and has already produced many enemies and victims across the society, the attacks on the Hizmet movement have reached a level of obsession and collective delirium that makes the situation all the more worrying. Second, the Hizmet movement, which is essentially a loosely connected network of individuals and religious, educational, and humanitarian organizations and institutions inspired by the ideas of Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen, has a presence in many countries outside Turkey. This fact, coupled with the efforts of the Turkish government to discredit the movement in the other parts of the world, gives the issue an international dimension.

The information presented in the work is far beyond of a complete account of the persecution to which Hizmet has been subjected in Turkey. It should be taken as a representation of what has been and is currently happening in Turkey. The Excel file below is regularly updated; it also includes hyperlinks to news reports that provide more details about specific incidents. Once downloaded, the file may be used to filter and edit data for various purposes.

This chronicle covers persecution of Hizmet in Turkey under five categories: defamation, conspiracy, discrimination, blacklisting, and unlawful conduct.

DOWNLOAD THE DATASET (EXCEL)
DOWNLOAD THE PAPER (PDF)

Published on ReThink Institute, December 2014

Prominent columnist Bağdat slams persecution of Hizmet

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Popular daily columnist Hayko Bağdat called for a halt of the witch hunt against Hizmet and expressed the need for tolerance for all social groups in Turkey.

“It is presumptuous for one to believe that they can destroy an entire section of society," reflected Hayko Bağdat, speaking on the ongoing persecution against the Hizmet movement.

Ever since the December 17-25 probe featuring corruption charges implicating businessmen and government ministers, the government has blamed the Hizmet movement as a scapegoat, accusing it of orchestrating the probe.

Bağdat also criticized pro-government press outlets and touched upon the public threats against outspoken media. “To embark on a witch hunt by threatening a chief editor with jail time is a futile attempt.”

The columnist invoked freedom of the press reminding that certain journalists were starting to pen articles which practically serve as governing AK Party (Justice and Development Party) press releases.

A main theme Bağdat underlined is tolerance for different groups in society. “The Hizmet Movement will live on, as will the Armenians, the Alevis.”

Armenian Issue

Indeed the prominent columnist has dedicated his extensive career, most notably with daily Taraf, into voicing concerns of Turkey’s minority issues including Armenians.

To this end Bağdat welcomes positive developments taking place in Turkey over the Armenian issue. The subject inevitably dates back to World War I, when an estimated 1.5 million Armenian lives were lost in the Ottoman Empire, present-day Turkey.

“I welcome the Prime Minister’s statements of sending condolences and believe that we have also been influential for voicing the issue for years.”

He emphasized “The peace which will solve this issue once and for all, and cure the suffering of people will come from these lands."

He vowed “The Hizmet Movement will live on, as will the Armenians, the Alevis.”

Unresolved killings affect us all

One particular hot topic that frequently resurfaces in Turkey is the unsolved deaths of prominent figures.

Grand Unity Party (BBP) founder Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu was killed in a helicopter crash in 2009. Bağdat is amongst those who believe that Yazıcıoğlu was assasinated.

A strong rival of the current government with equally strong appeal amongst conservatives and nationalists, the BBP party founder was viewed as a rising figure.

Bağdat expressed there would be no safety in Turkey until the how of Yazıcıoğlu’s death is brought to light “Just think of what a state that killed Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu would do to you or me.”

Published on BGNNews, 09 December 2014, Tuesday
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