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Former Filipino deputy: Great that we have Kimse Yok Mu

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Speaking at the first anniversary of the Haiyan typhoon, the most devastating one in the Philippines’ history, the former Filipino deputy Chua thanked Kimse Yok Mu for its aid and relief efforts. “Great that we have you and Turkey. On behalf of my country, I would like to thank KYM. You’ve never left us alone since the very first day. Many organizations left here after two weeks but you didn’t.” Chua said.

The foundation has continuously assisted the region in a heart wrenching condition throughout the past one year. In the commemorative ceremony, those coming from all over the country lit candles and prayed in honor of the victims. The local aid organizations, governor’s staff alongside Tacloban people gathered outside the governor’s building and showed their support for the renovation and reinforcement efforts going on in the city.

The deputies and governors in the region briefed the efforts underway in Tacloban for the past one year and thanked aid and relief organization including KYM for their rescue efforts and permanent aid activities.

The Haiyan Typhoon had earlier hit Tacloban city along with the Leyte and Samar islands in Nov. 8, 2013, leaving about 10 thousand dead and 1,5 billion worth of damage.

Published [in Turkish] on Cihan, 9 November 2014, Monday

G-20 summit blockade shameful for Turkey, businessman says

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A blockade imposed on certain businessmen from attending the G-20 summit, to be attended by Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu in Brisbane, Australia, is shameful for Turkey, Murat Çoşkun, who was among the businessmen in question, has said.

“I think the primary reason why we were taken off the list was due to our relationship with the Hizmet movement. I am proud to be affiliated with the movement. Some of those invited [to the G-20 summit] have business potential that is mid-range and below but were invited in spite of this. However the intention had nothing to do with business potential, it was about opening the doors to those near [to the government] and excluding those who are not,” Çoşkun, who runs an Australian kebab chain and is the president of the Active Young Merchant's Association (AYMA), told Today's Zaman on Friday

The blockade imposed on the businessmen also included the media, with security officials accompanying Davutoğlu forcing Zaman and Cihan news agency correspondents out of a conference on Friday. Davutoğlu met Turkish businessmen in Griffith University in Australia on Friday and Zaman and Cihan journalists were barred from following the event which was open to the media.

Other media members at the conference spoke out against the officials. Milliyet editor-in-chief told Today's Zaman the blockade is “completely wrong and saddening.”

According to undisclosed sources, Australian businessmen of Turkish descent who are affiliated with the faith-based Hizmet movement were recently removed from the guest list of the upcoming G-20 summit. Turkey's ambassador to Australia, Reha Keskintepe, obtained a list of the G-20 attendees from Sydney, Melbourne and Canberra and sent it to Ankara, according to the sources. A number of Hizmet-affiliated businessmen were later removed from the guest list.

The G-20 summit is scheduled to take place in Brisbane on Nov. 15-16. Turkey will assume leadership of the international economic forum on Dec. 1. The move mirrors recent measures taken by the government to exclude Hizmet-affiliated media outlets from attending official events. The Hizmet-affiliated Zaman and Today's Zaman dailies as well as the Cihan news agency have been barred from such events, in addition to various other media outlets known for their critical stance against the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). The Hizmet movement is inspired by Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen.

The government has executed a variety of schemes with the intention of destroying the Hizmet movement after a corruption scandal targeting cabinet ministers that went public on Dec. 17 was said to have been orchestrated by Hizmet members within the judiciary and police force. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has publicly declared time and time again that he intends to finish off the movement. His government has waged a series of attacks on the Islamic lender Bank Asya, which is affiliated with the movement, and cancelled the license of its charity Kimse Yok Mu, which conducts charitable activities all over the world.

Published on Today's Zaman, 14 November 2014, Friday

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Gandhi’s granddaughter: Hizmet movement realized all we dreamed of

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Peace activist and iconic leader Mahatma Gandhi's granddaughter, Ela Gandhi, has said that the Hizmet movement realized all they had dreamed of, in reference to the activities of the South Africa-based Turquoise Harmony Institute.

During the 9th Annual Friendship and Dialogue Dinner series held across South Africa between Oct. 30 and Nov. 4, former African National Congress (ANC) MP and community activist Ela said she has known for a while now of the activities of the Turquoise Harmony Institute, which also took her to İstanbul. “Everything we spoke about, we witnessed in action,” Gandhi commented, adding that it was very inspiring to see the activities of those running the institute inspired by the teachings of Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen.

Ela said she is continuously inspired by the people who are affiliated with the Hizmet movement, as they encourage people to volunteer for public service. She spoke about a young doctor she met in Geneva at an activity organized by the Turquoise Harmony Institute who told her those from the institute had taught him that there is more to life than materialism and earning money.

For the first time, the dinner series was hosted in four cities across South Africa, beginning in Johannesburg before moving to Durban, Cape Town and culminating in Bloemfontein.

Ela underlined the importance of making a change at the individual level without expecting the government to improve certain things. According to Ela, those in the Hizmet movement have shown people that it is possible to change things by first changing ourselves.

Similarly, speaking at the event, the head of the Southern African Catholic Bishops Conference, His Eminence Cardinal Wilfrid Napier, referred to late South African President Nelson Mandela and said he had showed everyone by example that we need to change ourselves if we wish to see change.

Talking about a trip he took to Turkey, Reverend James Butterworth also said he had learned much from the Turquoise Harmony Institute and recalled that actions speak louder than words. According to him, the actions of the institute had changed him, his situation, and the way he looks at others and what he can share with them.

The 2014 Friendship and Dialogue Dinner series also featured Reverend Dirk Ficca, a veteran of the global interreligious movement and a renowned interfaith activist. Ficca is the former executive director of the Parliament of World Religions and is currently the international director of the social cohesion project out of Malmö, Sweden called Open Skane.

The 2014 series was well attended by representatives of different faith groups, religious and traditional leaders, community patrons, government officials, political leaders, social activists, teachers and educators, members of the academic community, the sporting fraternity and the media.

A total of over 500 people attended the Dialogue Dinner series hosted in the four cities, which was aimed at reaching a diverse group of South Africans and bringing them together under the auspices of dialogue and encouraging social cohesion.

The tagline for the 2014 Dialogue Dinner series was “Four Cities, Four Days, A Thousand Friendships,” with all the participants and attendees fully partaking in making friends and connecting with each other.

Among the guests who attended were President of the Horizon Educational Trust Dr. Süleyman Desdemir, Secretary-General of the Horizon Educational Trust Mustafa Eroğlu and Head of Ecumenical and Inter-Religious Affairs of the Southern African Catholic Bishops Conference Father Padraig Smyth.

Published on Today's Zaman, 14 November 2014, Friday

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Dr. Ficca on Fethullah Gulen and the Hizmet Movement

'Mr. Gülen is to me simultaneously both incredibly modest and a visionary'

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Fikir Atlasi*, Episode 16 (Full text)

My name is Stephanie Varnon-Hughes**. I'm a PhD student at Claremont Lincoln University, where I'm studying Inter-Religious Education.

I begin my dissertation hopefully later this spring.

I'm also working for Claremont Lincoln University on their interfaith programs, and on telling the story of the university.

I'm also the editor-in-chief of the Journal of Inter-Religious Studies, so professionally and personally, interfaith dialog is a huge part of my life.

I'm inspired by the Hizmet Movement.

I didn't realize that until I came in contact with the Movement, but all of my life, education and service and dialog have been transformative to me.

So when I encountered the Movement, first in classmates, and then professionally, seeing dialog institutes, at professional conferences, and reading academic papers written by people who reference the Movement, and the work of Mr. Gülen, I began to see, oh, there is an entire Movement of people that are studiously and earnestly involved in things that I'm involved in.

And when I had the chance to travel to Turkey and meet people working in schools, in relief organizations, in neighborhoods, again, I thought, this is human work.

This is the work that all of our hearts should be doing. So it remains a source of inspiration for me in my work.

Mr. Gülen is to me simultaneously both incredibly modest and a visionary.

And I see that anyone who has studied his words or has come in contact with him, or has become part of the education projects that he began long ago has also had the transforming power of service, education, peacemaking, and dialog.

And so, it's strange to think that one person with a deep heart and a commitment to living so that others may live can really change the world.

And yet, I see this person, Mr. Gülen, as someone who's not interested in personal power, or personal acclaim, or making speeches about himself. It's really about letting others live.

One of the things that always strikes me about Mr. Gülen is his appreciation for poetry, and I myself when I was a child would sit in a tree and write poems. And I felt very close to God in those moments. And I had good teachers, who would comment on my poetry every single time, and I know that Mr. Gülen has said that poetry and the imagination gives us access to the infinite, and I'm thankful for the teachers who have helped me foster that skill.

And I just think it's another fruit that someone who does so much for education and service also wants to nourish the souls of people.

Not just give them a desk, not just give them books, not just give them aid, but make sure that the imagination and the soul are not luxury items. They're for each person.

When I was a little girl, I lived in a very rural town, a coal-mining town. My father was a coal miner. My grandparents were farmers, and not many people went to college.

And so the idea that I could go to college and become a writer or a thinker was very far to me. And when I traveled to Turkey, I saw students that I recognized myself in them.

And I saw students for whom just an education changes their lives, and generations after them.

And so I think that one of the major contributions of the Movement is to make a good life accessible. And it doesn't matter who you are. It doesn't matter if you're Muslim or Christian or male or female or you have money or you don't have money, you can have access to education. And not only education, but sometimes food, and aid, and medicine, and the things that you need…

There are people in the community through the Hizmet Movement who can make that happen.
And so I recognize that the things that happened to me, that allowed me to flourish, and do this interfaith work, is happening for others through the Movement.

There is a verse, I believe—forgive my ignorance—in the Koran, that God made us many nations and people so that we might get to know one another. And that has a scholarly impetus, that is, each of our scholarships and our brains and our knowledge. If we only study ourselves, and we only study the small world around us, our knowledge will never be enriched.

But if we get to know one another, and get to know more about science, and more about the world, and more about other things, our knowledge is enriched.

So from a scholarly perspective, that idea is profound. And from a personal perspective, we all are enriched by relationship, by friendship, by trying new foods, by hearing new music, by being exposed to art. So that religious verse really plays out in the choices that I've made as a scholar and as a professional.

One of the really remarkable things about the Hizmet Movement is that there is no hierarchy.

There is no person to tell me if I'm doing it right or wrong, or to say “Stephanie, you have to jump through this hoop or that hoop.”

It really is; if your heart is a service heart, then that's what it is. And so I make light of it, I say, “oh, I'm an American Christian, but I'm part of the Movement.”

Because my work is with education, it's with interfaith dialog, and it's with seeing justice done with the world. And so I can't think of any other organization that is so broad and so non-hierarchical, and so inclusive.

My position here at Claremont Lincoln University really is a dream come true.

The motto of this university is “Putting wisdom to work in the world.”

And that idea of wisdom means opening oneself up to hear the wisdom that might be revealed in other people's traditions, faiths, or practices.

As a teacher, I know that whenever a student is about to learn something new, we experience disequilibrium. And that's a developmental, psychological term for the shakiness that comes before we learn something new.

So it is the role of teachers and pastors and leaders to help people experience that, and then learn something.

I think that all of us, if you think about a tree with roots, and the nutrients that come from the soil, all of us are more enriched when we have access to wisdom from different traditions.

And that's our work here, and it's clearly the work of Mr. Gülen and the Movement. I can't speak for Muslims, but non-Muslims, I've seen in my classmates, in the classes that I've assisted with, in projects that I've done; all of our hearts and our minds and our practices are enriched from fruitful encounter with the other.

The schools of the Hizmet Movement, supports and fosters, are such engaging places. The children are clearly so cared for, they are so warm, there is music and sound, and just writing; they were really inspiring.

Honestly, I taught in cities here in the United States, and sometimes the teaching was very hard, and there were students coming from really disadvantaged places, and my heart sometimes was breaking, because I didn't have resources. And visiting schools in Turkey, really, I felt myself rejuvenated by seeing the possibilities that these schools were giving students.

It really, I can't say enough how profound it is, to give this gift to every child, no matter his or her background, or how much money their parents have. It's essential, and it's life-giving.

If you take that away from a child, you're taking away from her family, and the generations after her. You really are taking away the most important thing, which is a chance at life.

Last summer, here in the United States, there were tornadoes that happened in the state of Oklahoma, and my little sister and her husband lost their house. And she is not a believer, she's not Christian, but she said that all of the aid that helped them get their lives back came from religious organizations, and she was thankful for that.

So when I visited Kimse Yok Mu, I felt that connection, again, of an organization who was giving so much aid to thousands of people, no matter what country, no matter what they looked like, no matter who they worshiped, just giving the aid where it was most needed.

And I thought, this is what my family experienced. And I think in the face of devastation, when people have no hope; our role as children of God is to give hope.

Is to use our traditions and our wisdom and the resources we've been blessed with to give back. I cannot think of a reason to criticize any organization that meets people where their need is in the world. I think that's, I think the work speaks for itself.

**Profile: Stephanie Varnon-Hughes is a Founding Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Inter-Religious Studies™ . She completed her Master's in Church History in 2008 and her STM in 2009 at the Union Theological Seminary. She is completing her doctoral studies at Claremont Lincoln University, focusing on inter-religious curriculum and engagement.

*Produced by Spectra Media exclusively for Irmak TV, Atlas of Thoughts (Fikir Atlasi) connects the scholars, politicians, jurists, religious figures, journalists, and academics reflecting on Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen and the Hizmet Movement with the audience. Each episode features a person from a different segment of the society with diverse experiences regarding the Hizmet activities and its volunteers. If you are interested to hear about the Hizmet and Mr. Gulen from these people’s perspectives, do not miss this show!
Source: Fikir Atlasi (Episode 16), © Spectra Media, 17 April 2014, Thursday

Fethullah Gülen’s educational philosophy, its global practice in the secular world

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Graham E. Fuller

Islam has a long tradition of philanthropic contributions (zakat, or tithe) by the wealthy to aid the poor and to build mosques. Gülen shifts that approach: he has said that Turkey has enough mosques; instead he urges that philanthropic “good works” are more usefully directed towards building schools or hospitals. Through this vision, Hizmet has slowly built a large network of private schools, initially in Turkey and now increasingly around the world, at this point numbering well over one thousand schools. They are not religious schools, nor do they resemble “parochial” (private Roman Catholic) schools in the US. In Turkey the Gülen schools teach the curriculum established by the Turkish Ministry of National Education. They contain no religious instruction apart from a standard course on Islam long mandated by the secular Turkish government in all public schools as part of Turkish culture. Hizmet schools in other countries follow the curricula set by their own governments.”

Because the issue of Islam and religious education in Kemalist Turkey has been politically charged for so long, the Gülen schools initially became the object of controversy, especially given the schools’ spread and success. Opponents of the Gülen movement accused Hizmet schools of having a “hidden agenda” in seeking to influence children outside of class towards Gülen’s religious values. While there is no special religious content in the Gülen curriculum in any country, Hizmet members freely acknowledge that the values, philosophy and style of life and dedication of the teachers hopefully do serve as a model to students. The teachers do seek to impart a moral vision and commitment in the example of their own lives. If the students make any ultimate commitment to the movement later on, members say, they are responding to the positive image and role model of the commitment and world-outlook of their teachers, most of whom are connected to the movement. Apart from education, the schools also stress social values and good conduct; parents praise the discipline, courtesy and seriousness of their students as well as the high quality of the education in modern facilities.

A striking contribution of the Gülen educational movement is its ability to turn secular education and its social benefits into a positive goal for religious families who otherwise might have sought religious education for their children, particularly among Turkish immigrants in Europe. “For decades, Turkish immigrants in Europe ensured that their children maintained their Turkish-Muslim identity by sending their offspring to schools in Turkey. The fact that many are now choosing to tread the path prepared by Nursi and Gülen, namely trusting that the acquisition of secular knowledge will strengthen their children’s religious identity, can justifiably be termed “revolutionary.” This suggests an entire new fusion of secular education with religious values that replaces the centrality of religious education for pious Muslims; it becomes a vehicle to attain Muslim pride through educational accomplishments in the secular world. Furthermore, it represents a two-way street in social integration: while the movement in one sense might initially be seen to “Islamize” the middle class through focus on the calling to service, it also transforms that same new pious middle class into a social force that understands, and is comfortable operating within, the secular world. This process overcomes the cultural firewalls that exist in so many other Muslim countries between religious and urban secular classes.

The spread of the schools outside of Turkey further attests to this. Initially established in traditional areas of Ottoman influence such as the Muslim states of Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Balkans, they later spread to Christian countries such as Russia itself. Over ninety percent of the students in the Caucasus state of Georgia, for example, are Christian. There is a Gülen school in Moscow. Schools are growing in Africa and in Indonesia. They are invariably highly subscribed and receive a vote of confidence through the attendance of large numbers of children of the local elites. They are self-sustaining through tuition fees.

Instruction is normally conducted partly in English, partly in the local language, while courses in Turkish are offered as well. The teachers are usually volunteers from Turkey who go off to spend a number of years in other countries teaching, and at the same time learning the local language and winning goodwill for Turkey and the schools. And whereas critics have sought to portray the Nur movement and later the Gülen movement as somehow reactionary and obscurantist, the facts would dictate otherwise. Sciences, mathematics and computer sciences rank high in the curriculum. The goal for the students is to be prepared for making their way in modern society for society’s greater benefit—a clear universal human value.

And there are practical benefits for Turkey as well: graduates of these schools usually end up with feelings of closeness to Turkish culture, functioning as local ambassadors of goodwill to Turkey in government and business. In many countries the first graduates left the schools over a decade ago and now occupy significant places in the governments and commercial sectors of their country. For businessmen associated with the movement, it represents a valuable business network as well; they have often established the early foundations for a Turkish community in many of these countries and have a ground floor in establishing trade ties. Many cities in Anatolia have sister cities in Central Asia and the Caucasus that facilitate trade and other ties between them. In short, the schools help create a form of Turkish “soft power” that facilitates both diplomatic and business openings for Turkey.

Despite the schools’ overall success, they are not without criticism. Some complain that the students admitted to these highly subscribed schools abroad are primarily from the elites of each country. While that may have been initially true in the effort to gain early acceptance from local governments, the schools now reach out to admit qualified students from all social classes; some 20 to 25 percent of the poorer qualified students receive scholarships.

The schools early on suffered from the paranoia of authoritarian regimes in Central Asia who have little toleration for criticism or freedom of expression. Uzbekistan, for instance, recalled 300 Uzbek students back from Turkish universities in 1999. The reasons were specifically political: the highly authoritarian regime of Islam Karimov was concerned that Uzbek students in Turkey were becoming politicized in the open environment in Turkey and beginning to engage in anti-Karimov activities abroad. Because political Islam has been a key underground source of anti-regime activity in Uzbekistan—as it is all over the Muslim world—Karimov accused Turkey of fomenting Islamic “fundamentalism and terrorism” in Uzbekistan. The charges are absurd since both the Gülen movement and the Turkish state are outspokenly opposed to violence and terrorism. But in 2000 Uzbekistan shut down all Hizmet schools. Turkmenistan pursued a similar course of anti-Turkish reaction in 2011 although that is now changing. Not surprisingly, the kind of independent thinking fostered by the schools were producing students too independent-minded for insecure and rigid regimes run by “presidents for life”—especially when the well-qualified students then moved into the local government. Rumors were spread that the schools were operating on behalf of the CIA or Islamic fundamentalists. The US Peace Corps and the international Doctors Without Borders were similarly expelled from the once politically bizarre environment of Turkmenistan.

Moscow too has consistently been concerned about the influence of Islamic fundamentalism in the Muslim regions of Russia. But investigation found no links to “fundamentalism” in the Gülen schools. Nor do the Gülen schools wish to be contaminated by such an association. As we noted, many Christian students attend the Gülen schools not only in Russia, but elsewhere in the former Soviet Union. There the schools filled a special gap: under decades of Soviet anti-religious campaigns, communism had come to represent the sole “moral” or ideological value of society. With the collapse of communism and its ideology in 1991 an ideological vacuum opened, revealing a hunger for some new spiritual values. The Gülen schools provided quality education and a balanced and modern antidote to radical Islamic forces that sought a foothold there, a process that found favor in the West.

The Gülen-inspired schools (or “Turkish schools” as they are often known) have now spread to 120 countries, the majority of which are not even officially Muslim, as far away as Africa and Latin America, the United States and East Asia. They have sometimes been established in countries where no Turkish Embassy or Turkish community had previously existed. In the end there can be no doubt that the schools serve the broader Turkish national interest in the goodwill that is created, similar to the American Peace Corps. Hizmet provides a major network of international connections.

Excerpt from: Graham E. Fuller. “Turkey and the Arab Spring: Leadership in the Middle East.” Chapter 12.

Published on http://www.gulenmovement.us/fethullah-gulens-educational-philosophy-its-global-practice-in-secular-world.html, 7 November 2014, Friday

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Kimse Yok Mu waits weeks for aid campaign go-ahead

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Turkish charity Kimse Yok Mu (Is Anybody There?) has been waiting for 37 days for permission from the İstanbul Governor's Office to continue seven aid campaigns bringing various kinds of relief and services to people in need around the world.

Kimse Yok Mu's permission to collect donations was recently revoked by Cabinet decision, drawing strong reactions from many circles of society.

Following this move, the aid organization applied to the İstanbul Governor's Office for permission to carry on these seven projects. The governor's office has not yet replied to the organization's request.

When reactions mounted against the Cabinet decision revoking the organization's permission to collect donations, Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç said, attempting to assuage these critics, that “a two-line petition” would be sufficient for the organization to be granted permission for its aid projects.

Kimse Yok Mu President İsmail Cingöz has criticized these efforts to obstruct the aid activities of his organization, noting that they are victimizing millions of needy people.

“These aid campaigns, which are taking relief to Gaza and Syrian refugees, offering medical examinations and providing clean water to people, are the hope of around 10 million people. Winter has come. There are Syrian refugees, and some are in camps and some are not. There are orphanages we look after and relief activities in Gaza and Palestine. There are well projects and cataract patients waiting for us. We gave a promise to these people beforehand. The aid activities need to continue. We can't delay our aid activities for three minutes, let alone three days. Among the projects waiting for permission there is also one concerning the reconstruction of damaged schools in the country's east and southeast,” said Cingöz.

The seven aid campaigns that Kimse Yok Mu needs permission for are relief activities in Gaza and Palestine, the construction and maintenance of orphanages in Africa and other places, the provision of relief and scholarships to orphans, the reconstruction of schools that were burned down in Turkey's east and southeast, the offering of medical examinations and cataract surgery projects in Africa and other countries in need, aid campaigns for Syrian and Iraqi refugees, clean water projects and urgent humanitarian aid activities in disaster-stricken regions. Cingöz explained that none of these aid projects are for the benefit of Kimse Yok Mu. He said the governor's office has had two months to respond to their petition and that it is using this authority arbitrarily to hinder the organization's aid activities.

Cingöz also said the attitude of the governor's office's shows that it is not as easy as writing a “two-line petition,” as claimed by some Deputy Prime Minister Arınç.

Kimse Yok Mu is the only aid organization in Turkey that holds UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) special consultative status, and it began to develop internationally recognized relief programs in partnership with the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in 2013. It was also awarded the Turkish Parliament Outstanding Service Award in 2013, under the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government.

However, a campaign to smear the organization was launched after the breaking of a Dec. 17, 2013 government corruption investigation into leading AK Party figures. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who was previously prime minister and AK Party chairman, has targeted Kimse Yok Mu, which is affiliated with the faith-based Hizmet movement, due to an apparent government grudge against the movement, which it holds responsible for the corruption investigation.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 16 November 2014, Sunday

Reuters: Part of Turkish media say have been shut out by government

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Turkish media close to a US-based Islamic preacher accused by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of seeking to usurp power say they have been shut out of government press events in a move they see as evidence of Turkey's deteriorating press freedoms.

Correspondents from the Zaman and Bugün newspapers, the Samanyolu TV station and Cihan News Agency say they have been banned from the presidential palace since Erdogan's inauguration in August and no longer receive official press releases.

Erdoğan, whose ruling AK Party has roots in political Islam, accuses preacher Fethullah Gülen of building a "parallel state" of followers in institutions including the police and judiciary in a bid to seize the levers of state power.

Erdoğan says Gülen orchestrated a corruption scandal against his inner circle last year in an attempted "judicial coup," a charge Gülen denies, and has described the preacher's "Hizmet" (Service) network as a threat to national security.

The media ban was extended to key ministries including the prime minister's office and the ministry of foreign affairs a few days after a National Security Council meeting last month, according to journalists from Gülen-linked media outlets.

"This is a war, a fight, an effort to wipe out Hizmet," said Tercan Ali Baştürk of the Gülen-affiliated Journalists and Writers Foundation, seeing the ban as "punishment" for their news organizations' coverage of the corruption probe.

The foreign ministry declined to comment but government officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, defended the move.

"The priority of some press institutions is not journalism but serving their political agenda ... There are journalists who criticize the government and are still covering it, but the Gülenists had a particular agenda," one official said.

Erdoğan's domination of the media, much of it owned by conglomerates with business ties to the AK Party, has pushed Turkey, which is a candidate for membership of the European Union, toward the bottom of global press freedom rankings.

In its October report on Turkey's progress towards accession, the European Commission raised concerns about press freedom in Turkey and called on the government to "promote dialogue across the political spectrum."

It also chastised Turkey for interfering in the judiciary following the corruption probe.

Former allies

Gülen's network helped cement Erdoğan's rise, aiding him to curb the power of a military that saw itself as the guardian of the secular state and toppled four governments in the second half of the 20th century.

Its influence in the judiciary was seen as key to the jailing of generals and politicians as the ruling party clamped down on its secularist opponents.

Prominent journalists, including Nedim Şener and Ahmet Şık, were also detained for their work critical of Gülen's life and influence, prompting an outcry over freedom of the press.

The marriage of convenience between Erdoğan and Gülen has since fallen apart as the former allies turned on each other in a power struggle that burst into the open with last December's corruption scandal.

"The government is using the same methods the military used in the past ... The only thing that has changed are the oppressors and the oppressed. Power has changed hands, but the old limitations on freedom have not," Baştürk said.

Erdoğan has sought to purge the judiciary and police of Gülen's influence in the wake of the corruption scandal and has repeatedly called for the cleric's extradition to Turkey.

The rift has extended to businesses linked to the cleric, most notably Islamic lender Bank Asya, whose shares slumped after state-owned firms and institutions withdrew deposits earlier this year amid what its chief executive has called a "smear campaign."

Erdoğan has denied trying to sink the bank.

Cihan's general director, Abdülhamit Bilici, said the media ban was damaging the news agency's business and threatened legal action.

"It's financial discrimination," he told Reuters, comparing the situation to restrictions imposed after a 1997 military coup. "We were on the blacklist then, when it was a military coup. Now we're having the same from a civilian organization."

Retrieved from Today's Zaman, 17 November 2014, Monday

Editor’s note: Hizmet Movement Blog reaffirms its non-endorsement policy of the various viewpoints expressed throughout the articles that are solely shared for the convenience of the readers.

Terrorist organization, you say

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Ekrem Dumanlı

He is 73 years old and is known as a respected scholar who has been studying Islamic exegesis. He is well-known in academia. He was promoted to associate professor in the field of Islamic exegesis back in 1977. He served as head of the exegesis department at the faculty of theology at Erzurum's Atatürk University, conducted research in Paris Sorbonne, taught at the faculty of Islamic studies at the Islamic University of Madinah, was the chair of exegesis studies at Marmara University and conducted academic studies at International Islamic University of Malaysia. He is the author of 13 books and hundreds of articles.

Last week, the Aydınlık-pro-government alliance argued that our professor was a member of a terrorist organization. Is a person considered a member of a terrorist organization by the office of the prosecutor just because some unbalanced people have made such an argument?

Let us assume that the academic community of Islamic scholars was intimidated; isn't there a brave man in this country who can say that making such absurd arguments is too much? Both Ahmet Davutoğlu and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan know him well. In fact, they know those who are profiled in this hilarious argument as the organizational scheme of a so-called terrorist group. They were friends in the past. For instance, how could Erdoğan forget about this incident? That professor was there to welcome him on his way back from Davos. Somebody noticed him among the crowd and took him to the VIP lounge. Erdoğan tried to make a nice gesture to that professor by attempting to kiss his hand.

I took a quick look at the reports published by the Doğu Perinçek-Justice and Development Party (AKP) alliance. I realized that I knew some of the people who were accused of being members of a terrorist group but I did not know the others. I also realized that the political administration also knew those people. For instance, one of them was Erdoğan's neighbor; they used to talk frequently. Back then, Erdoğan was living in a modest apartment, not in a palace. I wonder if he called the executives of the paper and told them that he knew this man well and that he could not possibly be a member of a terrorist group when he saw the headline in the paper owned by his son-in-law. Let us assume that he did not do this. But shouldn't the chief prosecutor in the İstanbul office or other members in this office have said this person was an old friend and that if he is a member of a terrorist organization, then they could be included in the same category in the future?

Last week, in an interview with the Hürriyet daily, I had said: “If the Hizmet movement is a terrorist organization, then even Tayyip Erdoğan should be prosecuted for being a member of this organization." Why? Because he had contact with all those accused of being a member of this organization, including Fethullah Gülen. Erdoğan had received awards from his hands and invited him to return to Turkey; he also sent his regards publicly. Bülent Arınç's statement during a live broadcast also suggested that Erdoğan had even awaited Gülen's orders. Now declaring everyone as members of this terrorist organization does not sound logical or reasonable.

I also know another person on the list; the entire country knows him as well. He is the rector of a university, a former member of the Higher Education Board (YÖK), a close friend of former President Abdullah Gül and a former aide to President Erdoğan.

A megalomaniac draws up a scheme of a terrorist organization but does this really mean a terrorist organization exists? Even Kafka could not imagine such an absurd argument so how can Turkish prosecutors take this allegation seriously?

There is another man on the list; he is a well-known figure who is serving as the head of broadcasting at a TV station. He was also the chairman of an association that represented TV producers and program makers. This means he represented the executives and producers of the TV stations which are now arguing that he has been a member of a terrorist organization for three years.

The arbitrary reports that published false accusations in the aftermath of Dec. 17 will be a dark stain in the pages of history because there is no terrorist organization. The people being accused of being a member of a terrorist organization are just doing their jobs under great transparency. I wish those who made these false reports would be that transparent.

I felt resentment when I saw the name of a person I know well. Erdoğan's son-in-law Berat Albayrak is a graduate of Fatih High School; they listed a person who served as teacher in that school in those years as a member of the so-called terrorist organization. So this means that Erdoğan's son-in-law was also once part of that group. I am just curious: Did Berat feel shame and embarrassment when he saw the names of his teachers in the paper published by his brother?

Dear people! You should know that the “parallel” nonsense has become a frantic allegation by which a number of police officers and prosecutors are being accused of being part of a so-called parallel state. Now the old friends of Gülen are being accused of the same thing. The implicated people now include those who stayed with Gülen in the same house 50 years ago, those who studied with him 40 years ago and those who were friends with him for decades.

However, there are some problems with this ungrounded accusation. All of these people who are accused of being members of a terror organization are known as respected and prestigious persons who have never violated the laws. In addition, your organizational chart refers to people who have close connections to the AKP and particularly Tayyip Erdoğan as members of a terror organization. If you try to implicate people who are obviously innocent, that unfortunate attempt will eventually undermine your image and prestige.

I also would like to remind prosecutor Fuzuli Aydoğdu of the fact that a social group does not automatically turn into a terror organization just because some people say “I parted my way with those people, with whom I have worked for so many years; and this is their organizational chart.” If legal reasoning was established this way, the process would lead to witch hunts, which would eventually affect every social group or political entity.

For instance, if an AKP member argues that Erdoğan has created a terror organization and presents a so-called organizational chart, would this verify the presence of a terror organization? Allegations by figures who have become hostages to their ambitions would not be sufficient to open an investigation.

You just embarrassed yourself

An incident this week attracted a great deal of attention on social media. A TV station known for its strong support for the government and Erdoğan invited a number of young people to the studio for a discussion on the Kurdish settlement process. A young lady was speaking quite eloquently, and the moderator might have thought it would be possible to lead the guests to the parallel state discussion, so he interrupted her and asked the following question: “Would you name some of the factors? Is Fethullah Gülen one of these factors?” He was obviously sure that she would agree with him.

Sounds of chuckles were heard in the studio; this is actually the overall picture in the entire Turkey. Those who make frequent references to the so-called parallel state embarrass themselves. The moderator must have failed to understand the meanings of the chuckles; the young woman, who was making sound and well-grounded statements on the Kurdish issue, said: “I do not think Fethullah Gülen is one of the factors. And I think it is silly to look for Gülen's role in everything.” The chuckles were actually sufficient, but this response was obviously necessary.

The pro-government media, which has been fabricating lies and trying to promote their ungrounded theories, are embarrassing themselves; are they aware of what they are doing? I am not sure, but the number of people take them seriously is rapidly declining. It is normal that those who think everybody else is just like them, ready to believe their false allegations, would not be bothered by their declining credibility. But there are some people who believe that their allegations hold water; I am concerned about them.

You should exonerate yourself first

A journalist asked in an interview about the electoral influence of the Hizmet movement; I told him that the movement has serious political influence, but I also added that members of the Hizmet movement voted for different parties in the recent election. My theory suggests that those who feel affiliated with the Hizmet movement voted for the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), Felicity Party (SP), Grand Unity Party (BBP) or even the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) or Peoples' Democracy Party (HDP). However, the influence of the votes by Hizmet movement members went unnoticed because some of the supporters of those parties chose the AKP in the election.

They took the part of this interview on the BDP and ignored my other remarks on the other parties to make a false report in which they argued that the Hizmet movement voted for the BDP in the elections and that I admitted to this. I have some questions for those who made this fabricated report: 1- People vote for a party they pick. In local elections, people have to vote for different candidates. Why are so bothered by this style? 2 - If the BDP is so bad, why did they AKP make an alliance with it? 3 - This logic and approach suggests that the AKP, which had to comply with the requests of the PKK and overlook its threats, did not make any mistake, but the Hizmet movement, which advised its adherents to follow their hearts in the elections, did. 4 - Likewise, this approach also suggests that the AKP, which made an alliance with Doğu Perinçek and his team and waged a war against religious communities, did not commit any mistake, but people who voted for the BDP on their own accord committed a great sin.

You should pause for a moment and think about who your allies are and who you are fighting. If the image in the mirror does not frighten you, then come closer so I can explain the gist of voting for different candidates in the elections through free will. But you should account for your vicious alliance, which has taken the country to the brink of chaos. should give account of your vicious alliance that took the country to the brink of chaos.

Published on Sunday's Zaman, 16 November 2014, Sunday

Turkish group among first to send aid to ‘Yolanda’ victims

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MANILA, Philippines–Unknown to many Filipinos, a Turkish aid organization was among the first to respond to the devastation caused by Super Typhoon “Yolanda” (international name: Haiyan) in Eastern Visayas last year.

Kimse Yok Mu (Is Anybody There) was one of the first international groups to send relief teams to Tacloban City, ground zero for the most powerful storm ever to hit land.

The teams arrived in the city two days after Yolanda struck the region on Nov. 8, 2013.

They brought humanitarian aid, psychosocial support and educational assistance to the survivors, and helped rebuild damaged homes.

Kimse Yok Mu is Turkey’s largest aid organization. It was established in 1999, months after Turkey was hit by a devastating earthquake.

Scholarship for children

Just a month after Yolanda, Kimse Yok Mu was able to raise $2 million in donations, which went to relief operations for survivors in Tacloban City.

Part of the aid was sending 20 students to a private school in Manila. The group will shoulder the students’ expenses for four years. According to a Kimse Yok Mu fact sheet, the aid group has fully paid two years of the four-year scholarship of the students.

The group also donated 105 computers for schools in Tacloban City. It is also paying for the vocational training of 210 students from the city.

Kimse Yok Mu also spent $100,000 for the renovation of a school and $27,000 for the repair of an orphanage in Tacloban.

The group distributed $489,000 in food aid and clothing, 500 kilos of medicine, and gave a $37,000 ambulance to the city.

Medical team

A 23-member medical team worked in disaster areas, apart from a five-man psychosocial team that offered psychological support for the survivors.

The group also facilitated the renovation of two damaged clinics, which cost $40,000, and the drilling of 10 water wells in Tacloban City.

Published on Inquirer.net, 18 November 2014, Tuesday

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Islam, terrorism and the media

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Bülent Keneş

We unfortunately live in an unfair world. Injustice is so ubiquitous that we can categorize it based on our neighborhood, our city, our region, our country and the world. Any kind of injustice, discrimination or otherization -- such as social injustice, class injustice, inequity in income distribution and a lack of equal opportunities in education, business and social mobility -- may rear its ugly head at any moment in our daily life. Not only the cases of social injustice we encounter in our daily life, but also the sentiments of rage and revolt stemming from national or international injustice may trigger reactions that are against the nature of people who normally have psychological integrity.

Revolts, uprisings, and acts of violence and terrorism in various parts of the world may be regarded as the consequences of concrete facts and justifications. The violence associated with such outbursts of revolt and anger may be seen as the manifestation of a total loss of patience. Therefore, it may be a flawed approach to treat them as if they were specific to a particular faith, religion, ideology or philosophy.

Of course, the existence of ideological approaches that legitimize ideological agitation, violence and state terror -- such as communist ideology, which seeks to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat -- cannot be denied. But it is impossible to think that any religion as a system of beliefs can justify harming or killing innocent people.

I personally cannot think of any divine religion -- certainly not Islam, which is a religion perfected by God for human beings -- that permits or promotes harming, damaging, injuring or killing innocent people. We know that religions of divine origins, or moral or philosophical systems such as Confucianism, do not encourage people to engage in evil or harmful activities. Religions essentially consist of a quest for the attainment of goodness and kindness. No religion endorses or promotes evil deeds.

That said, and given the fact that Islam is the perfected form of the true religion, what is the reason for the haste with which people tend to associate Islam with terror and violence? Can Islam be linked with violence, terror, bigotry and fanaticism based on the unbecoming remarks, acts and behaviors of some of its followers in spite of the fact that "Islam" literally means "peace?”

Muslims not the only victims of injustice in the world

As noted above, the rage and fury followers of Islam may feel regarding the injustices and victimization that stem from the fact that the Muslim world is not given the place it deserves in the international system may have increased to the point that they overshadow Islam's message of peace. We can hardly say Muslims are the only victims of injustice in the world. In certain regions, Buddhists, Hindus, and even Christians and disciples of other faiths are victimized to the same extent as Muslims in certain regions, are they not? So why are Muslims and Islam -- and not other religions or cultures, with some exceptions -- associated with terrorism and violence?

I must note in advance that it would be a gross error to hold Islam responsible for this. For their mistakes, we can safely criticize those Muslims who are miles away from correctly representing Islam. The evil process of the transformation of these so-called Muslims into bloodthirsty creatures that kill dozens, hundreds and even thousands of people indiscriminately with a terrorist or suicide attack can hardly be associated with Islam or with any other religion. But even a cursory look at any domestic or foreign media outlet will reveal a number of such incidents occurring simultaneously across the Muslim world, betraying the peaceful spirit of Islam.

I personally have difficulty comprehending how Islam -- a system that has no fundamental connection with any specific political regime or policy and that regards as Islamic any system that promotes good deeds and discourages evil ones -- can be wielded for political or profane purposes and turned into a raving monster. I am bewildered when I see how a variety of versions of political Islamism can construe Islam as an instrument of injustice, discrimination, otherization, violence and terror, betraying the peaceful and welcoming spirit of Islam.

Please, let us not try to deceive ourselves. Unfortunately, we Muslims are responsible for the worst damage done to the prestige of Islam and the virtuous memory of our Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him. Of course, apart from the deplorable state of the Muslim world -- which suffers from prevalent ignorance, widespread poverty, commonplace injustice, worsening disunity and a high level of moral decadence -- we should also discuss the role of domestic and foreign media outlets in marketing violence and terror. But as the phrase goes, "There's no smoke without fire," and media outlets would not be able to say anything if it were not for actual acts committed by so-called Muslims.

You will have heard the odd rule in journalism that says, "Bad news is good news." The selectivity of the perception of the media errs on the side of criticism rather than praise, focuses on that which is negative rather than positive and prefers destructiveness to constructiveness. Now, let us take our conscience as our guide and take a trip across the world. Which region has the highest number of newsworthy incidents that fit the principle of "bad news is good news,” Europe, the Americas or the Far East? None of these, unfortunately! They are found in the areas that are densely populated by Muslims.

By nature, the media are not, of course, objective, but they are selective; and this selectiveness contains a high level of subjectivity. But even if you are equipped with the highest level of subjectivity you cannot do anything about something that does not exist. You cannot sustain a lie. If we pore over the output of international media outlets, can we say that all the blame for the news stories and programs about Muslims is strictly a result of the bias, partisanship, selectivity and subjectivity of the West? There really is a terrorist organization called al-Qaeda, isn't there? What about Boko Haram, a group that kills innocent people? There is the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), which commits massacres and rapes and sells women, isn't there? What about Hezbollah and Hamas, which thrive in the gray area between self-defense and terror?

When 'bad news is good news'

Now, imagine you are a Western media outlet guided by the motto “bad news is good news." Imagine further that you continuously receive reports about violence, rape, aggression, massacres, beheadings, suicide attacks, arbitrariness, despotism, unlawfulness, poverty and ignorance from a region that is the seat of a civilization you see as a rival. What would you do? Would you cover up these reports? Or would you convey them to your audience with exaggerated details?

Yes, the Western media are prejudiced. They are utterly unfair and not objective. They are biased, Islamophobic and ill-intentioned. I have no objection to this description, and our media, too, deserve the same description. I also know that we don't have the power to ensure they change these reprehensible attitudes. Then, I guess, the first thing we should do is to start with ourselves. We should strive to make sure we don't engage in any hideous acts Western media can use to portray a garbled image of Islam or Muslims. We should be become paragons of Islam so that provocative incidents such as the cartoon crisis with Denmark can be foiled.

I know it is easier said than done. But we should certainly start somewhere. For instance, we can immediately stop blaming them to feel as if we have fulfilled our responsibilities and instead start to acknowledge our errors.

But I must note that as long as the Muslim world does not define ISIL, Boko Haram and others like them as terrorists, it has no right to complain about Islam's image in the Western media. On the other hand, we have the unfortunate experience of seeing Muslims -- including the Turkish government -- fail to safeguard the prestige and dignity of Islam when they refrain from denouncing ISIL as a terrorist organization.

Yet, just as Mr. Fethullah Gülen did, it shouldn't be difficult for Muslims to condemn terrorist acts and murders and keep our distance from such murders. Muslims, not Western non-Muslims, are obliged to safeguard and promote Islam and its image. Blaming others but failing to perform our duties amounts to good-for-nothing heroism.

Let us come together to lend full support to Mr. Gülen's stance and promote his voice around the globe. Let us say, "A terrorist cannot be a Muslim. A Muslim cannot be a terrorist."

The rest is empty talk...

Published on Today's Zaman, 11 November 2014, Tuesday

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Bank Asya: Battle for survival against a presidential onslaught

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Manish Sinha*

Not all banking collapses are alike or lead to extinction. Some are caused by systemic, catastrophic events such as the global financial crisis of 2008, while others are caused by idiosyncratic exposure to geopolitical factors. Bank Asya, Turkey's largest private participation bank, is currently in the midst of the latter and is potentially edging toward disintegration.

A 2014 market value decline of 55 percent contemporaneous with a 22-percent gain for the broader Turkish financials index, multiple stock market trading suspensions and significant client withdrawals have reinforced the downward spiral. Can Bank Asya survive a politically motivated onslaught orchestrated by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan? What parallels might its fate exhibit with banking casualties of recent years?

Bank Asya was established in October 1996 by sympathizers to the Gülen movement, a multinational religious and social movement founded by Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen upon the principles of hizmet (“the service”). It was seeded with initial capital of TL 2 million. By June of this year, its assets had reached TL 23.35 billion, elevating it to the largest privately owned participation bank in Turkey.

Unlike conventional banks, participation banks use funds from savers exclusively to finance projects in the real economy under the principles of Shariah law. According to Ernst & Young, in 2014 there were $2 trillion Shariah-compliant assets worldwide that expanded annually at a rate of 17.6 percent from 2009 to 2013.

While comprising just 4.5 percent of Turkey's financial industry's assets, its resilience to market downturns in comparison to the more highly leveraged conventional banking model has fuelled an expansion of the sector. A desire to attract capital from the cash-rich but religiously conservative Gulf region, coupled with a more conducive regulatory and legislative environment, established by the present administration, has provided further catalyst for growth. Between 2001 and 2009, deposits increased 14-fold to TL 33.6 billion.

From 2008 to 2013, Bank Asya's assets and net revenue grew annually at 28 percent and 12 percent, respectively. Its reputation and business were soaring when, in December 2013 and without prior warning, President Erdoğan launched a powerful and concentrated attack on the bank, alleging that it was weak and insolvent. This attack was borne not out of concern for its financial health; rather, it was instigated in response to the unveiling of an orchestrated corruption scandal that implicated senior members of his own administration, but which Erdoğan claimed was the work of Gülenists operating within the Turkish civil service attempting to overthrow him; an accusation that Gülen firmly denies.

Despite losing almost half its market value during one excruciating week in September 2014 and reporting its first ever quarterly loss in 18 years of TL 301 million, Bank Asya's response has been anything but pusillanimous. Unequivocal yet measured rebuttals highlighting its capital adequacy ratio of 18.3 percent, in excess of both the regulatory minimum and industry average of 15.9 percent, have been repeatedly issued.

Despite this, the bank has suffered large-scale withdrawals from a multitude of government-related companies. The bank underwent further ignominy by virtue of trading suspensions from the stock market on at least six separate occasions.

Its precarious position warrants comparison with three now-defunct financial institutions: Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers and Northern Rock. A five-year period preceding each institution's demise is split into two phases: firstly, the first four years and, secondly, the final 12 months. During the first phase, Bank Asya witnessed a share price deterioration of 42 percent whereas the failed banks experienced healthy appreciation of between 62 and 128 percent. During the second phase, Bank Asya suffered a 64 percent decline, milder than the 93 percent decline experienced by the others.

Bank Asya's recent hemorrhaging market value does not therefore represent a sudden and sharp reversal (like for the other three), but a continuation of its occasionally erratic five-year decline. The daily fluctuation of each bank's share price is also insightful. During the first phase, Bank Asya experienced daily volatility of 2.1 percent, similar to the 1.3 percent to 1.6 percent experienced by the others. However, in their final 12 months, the failed institutions experienced a significant volatility increase to between 5.9 and 7.5 percent, whereas Bank Asya has experienced a more modest increase to 5.1 percent.

An examination of the balance sheet portrays a similarly contrasting account. In the most recent 12 months for which data is publicly available, Bank Asya witnessed a drop in total assets of 0.4 percent (though significantly more at the time of writing), whereas Lehman Brothers, Bear Stearns and Northern Rock experienced an increase in total assets of between 1.1 percent and 8.2 percent.

With regard to net revenue, Bank Asya experienced a healthy increase of 20 percent, whereas the failed institutions experienced precipitous drops ranging from 40 to 112 percent, which undeniably accelerated their insolvency.

The clearly contrasting share price trends and volatility therein, and changes to total assets and net revenue place Bank Asya in a distinctly different performance division. This is partly because the demise of the three failed institutions was accelerated by their mismanagement of exacerbated leverage levels coupled with the systemic and once-in-a-lifetime failure of the credit markets. Bank Asya, by contrast, employs significantly lower leverage, generates consistent profits but has been subject to idiosyncratic measures: a targeted attack by the government.

According to Süleyman Yaşar, a prominent economist and former bureaucrat, Bank Asya's collapse is extremely unlikely. In his view, participation banks rarely fail. This, despite what many believe to be President Erdoğan's ultimate aim, is due to its Islamic operating principles. Profits and losses are shared, it does not have fixed costs in the manner of conventional banks and its investments comprise funded partnerships with companies.

Indeed, a recent study by the Cass Business School of the United Kingdom investigated 421 banks from 20 Middle and Far Eastern countries from 1995 to 2010, discovering that Islamic banks are 55 percent less hazardous than conventional banks. Furthermore, they are less interconnected, thereby reducing the likelihood of concurrent failures.

Ultimately, the solution to Bank Asya's current predicament ideally lies with President Erdoğan withdrawing his unfounded allegations. Failed takeover bids by Qatar Islamic Bank SAQ and state-owned T.C. Ziraat Bankası A.Ş. might have strengthened the bank's position had they materialized.

Nonetheless, Bank Asya shareholders can take comfort as it enters “something of a stabilization period,” according to Deputy Chief Executive Officer Feyzullah Eğriboyun, coupled with board approval to raise TL 1.125 billion in the form of a rights issue by the end of 2014.

The present may be dark for Bank Asya, but there is light at the end of the tunnel, supported, perhaps, by the huge disparity in performance between it and three financial institutions that have collapsed in recent times.

*Manish Sinha has a Ph.D. in aerospace engineering from Princeton University and has formed a career in quantitative finance since 2003.

Published in Today's Zaman, 19 November 2014, Wednesday

Hizmet schools win 64 out of 120 TÜBİTAK medals despite gov't pressure

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İstanbul's Fatih Koleji, Ankara's Samanyolu and Atlantik Schools and İzmir's Yamanlar Schools, which have been put under pressure by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government, picked up 64 medals out of 120 on Wednesday in the 22nd National Science Olympiad and the 19th National Mathematics Olympiad for primary and secondary schools.

The 120 medals for the 22nd National Science Olympiad and 19th National Mathematics Olympiad were distributed in a ceremony at Ankara's Congresium by the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBİTAK) on Wednesday. TÜBİTAK's president, Professor Yücel Altunbaşak, distributed the medals to the winners.

Ankara's private Samanyolu Schools won 24 medals in total; four gold, nine silver and 11 bronze. İzmir's private Yamanlar Schools won 18 medals in total; three gold, eight silver and seven bronze. İstanbul's private Fatih Koleji won 16 medals in total; two gold, six silver and eight bronze. Ankara's private Atlantik Schools won eight medals in total; two gold and six bronze.

Gold medalist in physics Sıddık Süleyman Kahraman, from Ankara's Samanyolu College, said the students were well prepared by Samanyolu College's teachers and have been studying for 10 hours a day for the last two months. Abdullah Enes Öncü, from İstanbul's Fatih Science College, was the gold medalist in computer science. He said he was awarded a gold medal last year as well because of the good training he received from qualified teachers at his school. Öncü said he passed 50 other students in his category with the training he got at his high school.

The schools' names were not announced after the winners' names for the first time at the award distribution ceremony.

Some private schools, Fatih Koleji, Samanyolu, Atlantik and Yamanlar Schools among them, which are affiliated with the Hizmet movement -- a faith-based social movement inspired by Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen -- have been targeted by the AK Party and government circles since Dec. 17, 2013, when a massive corruption and bribery scandal became public.

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan accused the Hizmet movement of plotting to overthrow his government. In May, Erdoğan publicly advised AK Party supporters not to send their children to schools affiliated with the Hizmet movement. “We will not even give water to them [Hizmet members],” he vowed. Erdoğan also ordered officials in AK Party-run municipalities to seize land and buildings belonging to the Hizmet movement by any means necessary.

Published on Cihan, 19 November 2014, Wednesday

Gülen’s lawyer refutes Erdoğan’s claims as baseless

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Nurullah Albayrak, the lawyer of Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen, has denied President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's accusations against his client, saying the president has misrepresented the claims included in a recently unveiled indictment on a bugging scandal.

Speaking to reporters on Wednesday in Ankara, Erdoğan had claimed that an investigation into a bugging device found inside the office of the prime minister is linked to what he called the “parallel structure,” a reference to the Gülen-inspired Hizmet movement.

Gülen's lawyer, however, said the indictment does not mention Gülen or any group or country in the charges, adding that Erdoğan has been running a smear campaign against his client for months without providing any evidence to back up his claims.

Albayrak described President Erdoğan's attempts as a political maneuver, stating that the ultimate goal is to instigate the launch of a politically motivated sham trial against Gülen.

Gülen's lawyer said he would soon seek legal remedy in court against those who make baseless claims against his client.

The investigation into a bugging device found inside the office of then-Prime Minister Erdoğan in 2012 was already dealt a huge blow when a former senior official at the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBİTAK) blew the whistle on government attempts to doctor key evidence.

Former head of TÜBİTAK's Research Center for Advanced Technologies on Informatics and Information Security (BİLGEM) Hasan Palaz had said he was fired from BİLGEM on Feb. 21 for failing to obey an order from “influential figures” to change a report as part of an investigation into a bugging device.

Palaz said in late February that he had shared the findings with the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) and the Prime Ministry. He also briefed the disciplinary board of the Prime Ministry twice about the content of the scientific report on the listening devices back in 2012.

Two years after the inquiry, however, Palaz said he was asked to change the date in the report pertaining to when the bugging device started.

Facing unethical and political pressure to change details in a document prepared in line with scientific norms, Palaz said his conscience and respect for the profession did not allow him to bow to political whims and the orders to tamper with the findings. He was eventually fired from his post, where he had worked for 24 years.

Palaz and 12 other suspects were recently charged by a prosecutor from the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor's Office for the crime of espionage. However, the case does not have any merit and lacks strong evidence, according to people who are familiar with the details.

The indictment does not mention Gülen at all nor any other group or country as being involved in the bugging.

Commenting on what appears to be trumped-up charges listed on the indictment against him as part of a government-orchestrated revenge operation, Palaz said the case built against him is based on already-refuted claims published by the pro-government media.

“I am ready for my day in the court and will reveal everything about this bugging scandal,” Palaz said on his Twitter account.

Claims emerged in June that Erdoğan's advisor Mustafa Varank might have had a hand in the planting of the bugging devices in Erdoğan's office. Police officers searched Erdoğan's office three times but were unable to discover a bugging device. The office was later searched by MİT officers accompanied by Varank. No police officer was allowed to follow the search, and the search was not recorded. After this search, the MİT officers announced that they had discovered a bugging device in the prime minister's office.

MİT has since carried out an investigation into the device without providing legal bodies with details of the investigation.

Albayrak said the indictment is still secret and has not been accepted by court. Yet, he said, Erdoğan is talking about the investigation and rendering judgment as though he is the judge of this case where he is listed as the complainant.

Gülen's lawyer also lamented that investigations are not being conducted by the prosecutor's office but rather by the pro-government media and judgments are being delivered not in courtrooms but in press briefings.

Published on Today's Zaman, 19 November 2014, Wednesday

AKP’s media censorship

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Hidayet Karaca*

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, which has been in power for 12 years, has become even more repressive in recent months. The ruling party has been placing extreme pressure on civil society organizations, individuals, and media outlets.

Many media workers have been laid off. Currently, the media is facing stronger intimidation than ever before experienced, worse even than during the coup periods. The pressure being put on the Samanyolu Broadcast Group is the best example of this. Subsequent to the Dec. 17 and Dec. 25, 2013 corruption operations involving some ministers and sons of the ministers, the AKP government has made efforts to ensure that Samanyolu Broadcast Group is unable to do its job properly.

What has our group faced in the last 11 months?

1) Huge penalties

The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK), the majority of which are AKP members, has imposed numerous fines on Samanyolu TV stations over the past 10 months and they have always levied the highest allowable fine. Samanyolu, which has never before been subjected to such large fines, has faced them frequently since the government bribery and corruption investigations.

2) Measures to terminate broadcasts, aka censorship

RTÜK has also issued decisions demanding that Samanyolu cease broadcasting activities despite the fact that the group was known for being the most compliant with broadcasting rules before the exposure of the corruption allegations. RTÜK and the Supreme Election Council (YSK) have since banned Samanyolu News Channel from broadcasting 49 times. Most interestingly, bans occurred most frequently shortly before the March 30 local elections and the Aug. 10 presidential election. The economic impact of these bans was also harmful to the group.

3) State of accreditation a shame in the 21st century

Our channels are subjected to an accreditation requirement that has never been so grave, even during the Feb. 28, 1997 coup or other coup periods. Our correspondents are not allowed to cover meetings by the president, prime minister or the interior minister; crimes of censorship and discrimination were openly committed.

4) Obstacles to shooting soap operas and TV shows

a) “Şefkat Tepe” (Compassion Hill)

This TV series has attracted a great deal of attention from viewers since its initial episode. Then, the Konya Governor's Office ordered a ban on shooting the series within the boundaries of the city without providing any reason. A court abrogated the order, but the governorate resorted to obstructive measures to ensure that our crew was unable to proceed. In the end, we had to move the entire film set to Eskişehir. The artists experienced serious difficulties due to adaptation problems. In addition, the group, artists and all others involved in the making of the series suffered financial losses during this process.

Unfortunately, the Eskişehir Governor's Office, which had allowed filming, soon issued a ban as well. The actors were intimidated to ensure they would quit. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in his capacity then as prime minister, made insulting remarks about the series during political rallies, making the entire broadcasting group a target.

b) “Ötesiz İnsanlar” (Altruistic People)

Authorities issued permission for others to shoot TV series in İstanbul's Fatih district; however, our group is not allowed to do the same. The crew has faced serious obstacles from the local authorities and police department.

c) “Yetim Gönüller” (Orphaned Hearts)

Serious problems are encountered when filming in Eskişehir. The crew sometimes has to go to a different city to shoot scenes.

d) “İki Dünya Arasında” (Between Two Worlds)

This is one of the most popular daily TV series in Turkey as evaluated and confirmed by independent agencies. Sadly however, the authorities from Şile Municipality, which is held by the AKP, obstruct the filming of episodes.

e) TV coverage in public places during religious events

One of the most concerted efforts to pressure Samanyolu took place on July 12, 2014. Despite having legal permission to film, Üsküdar Municipality obstructed us from filming on the grounds of Selimiye Mosque for a program involving coverage of the breaking of the fast. Our requests to film at mosques and sacred places during religious holidays were denied without any reason being provided.

5) Our broadcast group has been audited numerous times with non-routine inspections conducted for the purposes of intimidation

One of the worst pressures on Samanyolu is the extraordinary financial and social security inspections. Despite determining that we are not engaged in illegal or irregular conduct, inspectors have performed frequent audits and levied high penalties.

6) Efforts to ensure Samanyolu does not receive advertising contracts from business circles

Business enterprises that are under the strong influence of the government no longer sign advertising contracts with Samanyolu or our affiliates. Public institutions are meant to consider TV show ratings when ordering advertisements, but they have instead favored pro-government media outlets. Some private companies also avoid ordering advertisements for publication in Samanyolu outlets due to fear of the government.

7) Espionage activities to undermine image of Samanyolu

Our IT Department detected spy software that had been installed on the computers of our staff. This attempt to give the impression that our group and employees are involved in illegal activities was successfully aborted.

8) Hacking of our Internet broadcast

There were attempts to hack our computer networks and servers during the local elections this year. Efforts were also made to obstruct our Internet broadcasting.

9) Raid on our TV station

Some people holding AKP propaganda materials attempted to invade our TV station during the counting of the votes during both the local and presidential elections. When they failed, they cursed our staff.

10) Pressure on our former guests

Some renowned figures that appeared on our TV programs many times in the past have since been hesitant to return because of the smear campaign against Samanyolu. Oftentimes, they decline our invitations.

Despite all the obstructions, hate discourse and crimes committed against us, our group will continue to do its job by steadfastly abiding by our principles. We will remain committed to our independent and impartial broadcasting motto without compromising democracy, human rights or freedoms. We believe that democracy and the supremacy of law will someday be upheld. Those who have committed crimes against our media group will be held accountable in a court of law in the future. Those who committed hate crimes and discrimination, including members of relevant boards, local authorities and bureaucrats, will eventually be tried. We will stay focused on this. Evil may prevail now but we know that good will have the future.

*Hidayet Karaca is the Samanyolu Broadcast Group chairman.

Published on Today's Zaman, 19 November 2014, Wednesday

Graduates’ views on the effectiveness of Gülen-inspired schools in Azerbaijan

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Sakhavat Mammadov*

The Gülen movement is active in many sectors, but educational institutions make up its core. It started its first international school in Azerbaijan, and its success there proved vital to expansion across elsewhere; in June, however, the Azerbaijani government moved to close down all Gülen-affiliated schools in the country. This report summarizes a qualitative study of the effectiveness of the Gülen movement’s educational philosophy and methodology.

Azerbaijan gained independence with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Like the other 14 countries that emerged from this collapse, Azerbaijan went through a major transition not only of its political system, but also its economic and educational systems. In this difficult period, Azerbaijanis’ hopes and convictions were essential in the transformation from an impoverished country to a modern, democratic nation. In light of this, a number of governmental and nongovernmental institutions have been actively involved in rebuilding Azerbaijan’s education system to reduce social inequality and increase literacy. The schools run by members of the movement -- know as Hizmet -- affiliated with Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen have been key players in this educational restructuring. Indeed, former President of Azerbaijan Heydar Aliyev was an early supporter of the opening of these institutions.

In 2013, these institutions, under parent company Çağ Education Company (ÇEC), joined the Azerbaijan International Education Center (AIEC), financed by the State Oil Company of the Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR). A few months ago, SOCAR announced the closure of the Gülen-inspired high schools and Araz prep schools, due to “difficulties in project management.” Only the prestigious Qafqaz University, a Gülen-affiliated institution of higher education, is slated to continue operations. Although the stated reason for the decision was the financial burden of project management, analysts believe that these closures were demanded by the former prime minister and current president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Gülen’s educational philosophy

Hizmet is a transnational civic movement inspired by the ideas of well-known intellectual and Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen, whose followers have started schools in over 100 different countries, from Asia to the Americas. These schools express a commitment to cultivating responsibility, love, tolerance and service (the literal translation of “Hizmet”).1 Gülen’s teachings underscore that Muslims need to rediscover compassion, describing it as the essence of Islam. Gülen represents a strong and compassionate form of Islam that responds to adversity with peace.2 It should be noted that schools inspired by Gülen’s philosophy are not religious; they are secular schools following state-prescribed curricula and programs, and are inspected by state authorities in their host countries.3 IN addition to which, Hizmet schools’ students hail from a range of cultures, ethnicities and socioeconomic backgrounds. These schools state their aim as fostering the universal values of honesty, hard work, harmony and conscientious service in all their students.4

The study summarized in this report is the first to evaluate the efficacy of the Gülen approach in Azerbaijan, where Gülen-inspired schools have won high praise for their quality, as demonstrated by their students’ performance in national and international academic competitions. The schools have earned a solid reputation as the best in the country thanks to their students’ high scores on university entrance exams; the schools average a 98 percent acceptance rate. Azerbaijani graduates of Hizmet schools continue their education both at home and abroad, with large numbers studying in Turkey, the US, the UK, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Russia, South Korea, Singapore and other countries. The participants in the study were well-educated, and as graduates of Gülen-inspired schools, their knowledge of the subject matter was both broad and deep.

Findings

The qualitative study comprises interviews with graduates of Gülen-inspired schools, both one-on-one and in groups. Four major themes emerged from these interviews: the effectiveness of the schools’ methods, the schools’ educational principles and moral values, their school-based co-curricular and extracurricular activities, and their contribution to Azerbaijan’s intellectual and social landscape.

Educational effectiveness

The findings of the study revealed that the contribution of Gülen-inspired schools to the quality of education in Azerbaijan is bourn out by the performance of their students on both the national and international level. Participants reported that, over the last three decades, students have won awards in national and international math, science and language competitions. Participants also underlined that these schools practice advanced educational methods and that their students have a higher success rate relative to other schools in the country, in national and international exams and in competitions. According to the participants, the Azerbaijani president, parliamentarians, intellectuals, writers, businesspeople and public figures all recognize the importance of Hizmet schools and appreciate them and the opportunity they provide to Azerbaijani students. Speeches by some of the country’s leading figures quoted in the media support this claim. For example, former Azerbaijani Education Minister Misir Mardanov reported that Turkish entrepreneurs and teachers came to educate Azerbaijani children and equipped the schools with the latest technology. Students representing Azerbaijan in the international arena frequently come from these schools. Former President Aliyev once described the success of the Turkish schools as “a legendary triumph.”5

Participants also emphasized the importance of Qafqaz University in Azerbaijani higher education, reporting that it has been Azerbaijan’s most popular private university since 1996 and, among private universities, fills its available spaces the fastest and has the most competitive student body. The former minister of education also commented on the issue, telling education journal Abituriyent in 2001 that “Qafqaz University has acquired the best place among the private universities.” It has been evident for some time that each year Qafqaz University welcomes many of the students ranked highest in the university entrance exams. Two Qafqaz University graduates who participated in the study said that this was mainly due to the close attention the university pays to its students, its strong organization and the full scholarships it awards to high-performing applicants. “The university always tries to help its graduates find jobs,” reported one participant, adding, “These qualities attract a large number of bright, hardworking students who achieve high scores on the entrance exam.” Many Qafqaz University students have won the presidential scholarship, considered one of the most prestigious scholarships in the country.

Ethical principles and moral values

The second theme that emerged in the interviews was the ethical principles and moral values of Azerbaijan’s Gülen-inspired schools. Participants reported that the values taught in the schools led to transformative personal experiences, and listed honesty, peace, tolerance, hard work, integrity, self-discipline, harmony and service as some of the character traits that their teachers helped them develop. One participant put it this way: “Before I enrolled in the school, I was acting just like I was living for myself. I was neither thinking of others in society nor trying to give benefits to the community.”

More salient, however, is the stress the participants put on their teachers’ method of moral education, which they said was taught in an entirely secular -- never Islamic or religious -- context. (Participants said that the teachers scrupulously avoided teaching religion, though one described them as “very good Muslims.”) Teachers acted as role models, embodying with their actions and behaviors the values they wished to instill in their students. And this method, according to the interviewees, was very effective in helping students build a strong sense of values.

“Teachers are working hard and practice these moral values themselves too, not only telling us,” one participant said; another described his teachers as “modeling these values and beliefs through practices. They rarely speak out in order to say what is right in terms of what is acceptable in society.”

Through these students’ perspectives, one can see that teachers in Hizmet schools believe that values are not to be taught in lectures, but that “the human possession of free will entails an obligation to discipline it, and it is the struggle for discipline that determines humanity.”6 Consequently, the educators in these Gülen-inspired schools prefer practice to preaching.

School-based co-curricular and extracurricular activities

The third major theme of the study consisted of school-based co-curricular and extracurricular activities at Azerbaijan’s Gülen-inspired schools. This particular strategy is based on the idea of encouraging experiential learning and is aligned with national and international educational standards. In other words, while following the Azerbaijani national curriculum, Gülen-inspired schools also implement Western educational models that take into account both the academic and socio-emotional needs of children. Participants enthusiastically endorsed the application of these models, which provided them an educational experience they had lacked in other school environments. Extracurricular activities also strengthen relationships within the school community -- between teachers, belletmens (tutors) and students.

Participants stressed well-planned and productive class hours as the key component of their success. These schools provide instruction in four languages: Azerbaijani, Turkish, English and Russian. Language-learning activities and small contests are organized to encourage students to practice their language skills, and participants said that these activities were a great source of motivation and encouragement.

School administrators and teachers also consider school-parent relations very important for the academic and emotional development of students, the study revealed. Participants said that school administrators, teachers and parents regularly meet to discuss the progress of pupils and their academic and psychosocial needs. Teachers visit students at their homes to enhance student learning and boost involvement. “It is important to know as much as possible about the student to be able to guide him or her in the right direction,” one participant said. Others added that these visits also benefit the parents, who get a better idea of the school’s educational method. “Through these meetings, closer integration between home and school life can be achieved.”

Contributions to Azerbaijan’s intellectual and social landscape

Education is a determining factor in the intellectual and social development of nations. Azerbaijan, despite ongoing concerns about educational accountability and policy implementation, has made important efforts toward educational reform over the last few years, and the country’s economic prosperity and dynamic youth population allow for further improvement in the educational system. As they have in other countries, Gülen-inspired schools have been deeply involved in the process of improving educational outcomes in Azerbaijan. Graduates of these schools have taken on senior positions in corporations and started their own enterprises. Participants reported that the Azerbaijani youths educated in these schools use their intellectual skills, which they hone at leading universities, to reshape the intellectual and social landscape of their country.

In the interviews, participants pointed to the devastating impact that the Soviet Communist regime had on society and education. Muslim citizens were subject to particular persecution: They were harassed, and their religious and cultural values were ridiculed. Although Azerbaijani society was strong enough to withstand the artificial indoctrination of the Soviet political-ideological belief system, after 70 years of the totalitarian regime it was almost impossible for anyone to be completely safe and secure. One participant noted: “Today in our country, there are two generations that are fundamentally at variance in terms of their worldview. It is the responsibility of the new generation to build peace and prosperity, by which people can live their values in the aftershock of a lost history.” The participants said that the graduates of these schools are different from their peers, not only in terms of their academic knowledge base, but also in their worldview and their view of themselves as citizens of Azerbaijan -- and the world. “We were taught motivation and love of contributing to the development of our nation. Then, we saw that these [educational] institutions are doing the same good things in other countries. […] Yes, they are creating islands of peace; and the colors of world [cultures, languages, ethnicities, etc.] display a wonderful picture of brotherhood.”

Conclusion

The findings of this study show the effectiveness of the Gülen-inspired educational institutions in Azerbaijan and their importance to the development of the country. Graduates of Gülen-inspired schools contribute to the betterment of the Azerbaijani education system and the development of the nation. The stories the participants told paint a clear picture of the contributions that Gülen-inspired schools are making to the country’s intellectual and social landscape: dedicated teachers providing quality education and forming strong ethical principles and moral values in their students. The participants reported on shared characteristics that all teachers in these schools possess, which could be called the modeling-enthusiasm-dedication constellation. The findings suggest that this constellation plays a key role in students’ academic, social and emotional development. The findings also suggest that Gülen-inspired schools’ educational philosophy is consistent with its practice.

Though space constraints prevent a full description of the study’s results, it is clear that participants had developed close emotional bonds with their schools and believed that Hizmet schools are doing good work toward bettering education in Azerbaijan and around the world. The continued closure of the schools could have harmful consequences for the country’s quality of education and society at large. Those consequences will not be ascertained for many years, and of course no compensation would be adequate. We shouldn’t forget excellence in our effort to support the education of children. Note that here, political squabbles are trumping excellence.

Despite the positive results of the study, this author would encourage further research on the effectiveness of the Gülen-inspired schools’ educational methodology with a larger number of students. Also, it would be interesting and indeed important to shed light onto parents’ experience of their children’s academic and socio-emotional development in these schools. Although thematic generalizability is certainly possible, this research, like any exploratory case study, has limited generalizability.7

*College of William and Mary, Virginia: smammadov@email.wm.edu

1. Michael D. Graskemper, “A Bridge to Inter-Religious Cooperation,” in International Conference Proceedings: Muslim World in Transition; Contributions of the Gülen Movement, ed. Ihsan Yilmaz et al. (London: Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007), 622-31.
2. Akbar S. Ahmed, foreword to The Gülen Movement: Civic Service Without Borders, by Muhammed Çetin (New York: Blue Dome Press, 2010), ix-xii.
3. Yüksel Aslandoğan and Muhammed Çetin, “The Educational Philosophy of Gülen in Thought and Practice,” in Muslim Citizens of the Globalized World: Contributions of the Gülen Movement, ed. Robert A. Hunt et al. (Somerset, NJ: The Light, 2006), 29-50.
4. Thomas Michel, “Fethullah Gülen as Educator,” in Turkish Islam and the Secular State: The Gülen Movement, ed. Hakan Yavuz and John L. Esposito (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2003), 869-84.
5. “Azerbaijani ambassador says Turkish-Azeri relations rock solid, free from disturbance,” Today’s Zaman, Nov. 9, 2010, accessed Dec. 17, 2013, http://www.todayszaman.com/news-226682-8-azerbaijani-ambassador-says-turkish-azeri-relations-rock-solid-free-from-disturbance.html.
6. Fethullah Gülen, “Education From Cradle to Grave,” The Fountain 20 (1997): accessed Nov. 21, 2013, http://www.fountainmagazine.com/Issue/detail/Education-from-Cradle-to-Grave.
7. Sharan B. Merriam, Case Study Research in Education: A Qualitative Approach (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1988).

Published on Turkish Review September 2014 issue

Atyrau student wins silver in Brazil research competition

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Talgat Yegizbayev poses with silver medal
Talgat Yegizbayev, an 11th-grade student from Kazakhstan, has been awarded a silver medal at the International Science Olympiad MOSTRATEC in Brazil, Tengrinews reports citing Munaily Astana.

The student of Atyrau-based Kazakh-Turkish Lyceum went for the creative research competition in the city of Novo Hamburgo between 27 and 31 October. More than 1200 students from 28 different countries participated in the event. Of them, 44 students represented Kazakhstan.

All the projects were presented in either Portuguese or English. Talgat presented his research into trademark of Mercedes-Benz concern in English. The aim of the project was to study the location of trademark’s points on the sphere so that the sum of the distances between the consecutive selected points was extreme.

"I have studied the history of Mercedes trademark and found that the three lines on their mark mean they are the first on the land, on the water and in the sky,” Yegizbayev said.

"This is all described in the book "Problems of Thomson”. Together with my teacher we packaged this information in a more accessible form. My whole project took about a year. I prepared it with one of the teachers - professor of the Kazakh-Turkish Lyceum in Astana. We mostly talked via Skype, and in the summer I went to Astana to work together. I had to work long hours in the library," the student said.

The jury praised the work of the Kazakh schoolboy and awarded him a silver medal.

Besides scientific awards, the Kazakh delegation also won a sports award. A football tournament was held between representatives of the participating countries. Kazakhstan put forward two teams, one of which won the tournament, while the other took the third place. The second place went to Brazilians. Talgat played for one of the Kazakh team as a midfielder.

Published on Tengri News, 19 November 2014, Wednesday

Number of Kimse Yok Mu volunteers triple

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The aid organization’s volunteers number have increased three-fold despite a politically-motivated hate campaign launched by government in Turkey.

After a Cabinet ruling revoking Kimse Yok Mu’s license to receive donations without government approval, the nonprofit organization’s SMS donation line was canceled and their bank accounts frozen.

Despite all these negative steps against the nonprofit, the number of volunteers continues to increase each day.

While the volunteers number was 56,000 in early October, the number of volunteers now is in the 160,000s in November. Kimse Yok Mu announced that daily average registrations had reached an average of two thousand.

Kimse Yok Mu authorities stated the increase in volunteers is meaningful for the organization during the obstacles due to smear campaigns.

Smear campaign against Kimse Yok Mu

Kimse Yok Mu is a UN-registered nonprofit which provides aid to 113 nations across the globe from more than three million donors. It is strongly affiliated with the Hizmet movement of Islamic Preacher Fethullah Gülen.

The root of the government’s smear campaign lies in the 17-25 December corruption probe in 2013 against individuals in the immediate circle of the ruling party, on charges of bribery, fraud, embezzlement and illegal gold smuggling with Iran.

The AK Party had responded by purging the judiciary and the police force, denying the charges as a conspiracy to undermine the government. He has gone further to blame the Hizmet Movement for orchestrating the probe.

Published on BGNNews, 21 November 2014, Friday

Deputy Şükür donates salary to victims of mine disaster

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Hakan Şükür, an independent deputy for İstanbul who resigned from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) in December of last year, has decided to donate his salary to those who lost their relatives in the Ermenek mine disaster.

Posting tweets on the issue via his personal Twitter account, Şükür announced that his salary will be distributed through the charity organization Kimse Yok Mu (Is Anybody There) until the 2015 general elections.

Şükür also announced that he will provide financial assistance to Recep Gökçe, 75, who came to the public's attention after he appeared in the media coverage during the disaster with a pair of rubber shoes that had holes in it, while he was grieving for his son who was killed in the mine disaster.

Regarding the motivation behind sharing the salary donation and other aid that he is giving to victims of the tragedy, Şükür wrote that he wanted to encourage other people to help the victims of the disaster.

After a mine in the Ermenek district of the province of Karaman was flooded on Oct. 28, 18 mine workers were trapped underground. While the bodies of several miners have been retrieved from the mine so far, some are still in the mine.

Published on Today's Zaman, 21 November 2014, Friday

Turkish charities dedicate well in Uganda to James Foley

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The charity Kimse Yok Mu (Is Anybody There?) and the Embrace Relief aid foundation, founded by Turks residing in the US, have jointly constructed a water well in Uganda dedicated to the memory of James Foley, an American journalist killed by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).

The well, constructed with the support of Kimse Yok Mu and Embrace Relief, will supply clean drinking water to 2,000 Ugandans.

John Foley, father of the murdered journalist, attended an award-giving ceremony organized by New Hampshire's Turkish Cultural Center and the Peace Islands Institute to open the well to the public. Foley's father said: "This is the most valuable thing done in my son's memory so far. I don't know how to express my thanks to the foundations doing this in my son's name."


Stating that his son had always worked for the good of others, Foley continued: "I can't explain to you how valuable this gift is. This is a big honor to James' memory."

'My son admired Turks and İstanbul'

Explaining that his son felt admiration for Turkish people and for İstanbul, Foley explained: "James worked to help people regardless of their nationality, race or religion. That's why he went to Syria, he went there to be the voice of oppressed people."

John Foley recalled that his son had often called him from Syria to relate his experiences there. "He chose to live for others, and on that path he gave his life," he said. "When he explained carrying wounded children to the hospital, he was crying. When he spoke about seeing dead and wounded children he cried as well."

Foley had been working as a freelance journalist covering the Syrian civil war when he was abducted by ISIL forces in November of 2012. He was not heard of again until a video of his beheading emerged in August of this year, with his captors explaining that the act was carried out in response to American airstrikes against ISIL.

Published on Today's Zaman, 21 November 2014, Friday

How does Fethullah Gülen perceive those who find Islam and violence compatible?

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Doğu Ergil

How does Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen perceive those who find Islam and violence compatible, and what is his argument against interpretations that advocate violence?

Gülen refers to violence as a disease, observed in every corner of the world, in every country:
No matter who commits murder, it is a murder. And every kind of murder is accursed. No matter the crime, individuals cannot apply punishments, only the state can. The governments have courts at their disposal; punishment is their duty. Therefore, no believer can condone any murder. A believer can never rationalize any murder. Perhaps the victim said things against Islam, perhaps at one time, he even attacked someone or did some mischief; this does not legitimize the murder. Individuals can be silenced through the system of the law. Therefore, it is unthinkable for a Muslim to support murder in his heart, let alone commit murder himself. No one has the right to say, “So-and-so was an enemy of religion, of faith, of Islam, of the Qur’an; it is good that he was killed, for he deserved it anyway.” This is antithetical to the creed and conduct of a believer. (1)
Gülen believes it is necessary to protect all living creatures, not only human beings:
In my lifetime, I have never deliberately and knowingly stepped on even an ant. I did not see or speak to a friend of mine for months, for breaking the backbone of a snake. I have believed in the rights of every living being, that all of them have a place in the ecosystem. I have stated that we have no right or authority to harm a living being. It is a fact that the most honorable and most sacred of all creatures is the human being. I have repeatedly stated that those who murder under these pretexts or intentions cannot enter Paradise, and cannot be considered Muslims. This is not my personal opinion. It is the voice, expression, and breath of the ethos of Islam; this belief is part of our nature.

All acts of terror, no matter whence or from whom they come, are the gravest blow to peace and tranquility. No matter for what cause and to what ends they are directed, no act of terror can be condoned. The struggle for salvation cannot take the form of terror. (2)
Under various pretexts, and distortion of religious texts, some murderers attempt to justify their criminal acts. But, as Gülen points out, this is antithetical to the core of Islam and the values that Muslims internalize. Before everyone else, Muslims must oppose the violence that others attribute to Islam:
Muslims must stand up and say there is no terror in Islam. The Qur’an equates the murder of one person to disbelief. Even during war, a Muslim cannot touch innocent people. No one can give a fatwa [religious verdict] that legitimizes harming innocent people. Islam has not condoned war; it has tied it to defense as a last resort. In addition, within the framework of the principle elucidated in the verse, “… mischief (fitna) is worse than killing” [Al-Baqarah 2:191] in order to stop disorder, oppression, and mischief, the Qur’an has permitted war reluctantly. Nevertheless, for the first time in the history of mankind, Islam brought many limitations to war, and set forth its legal provisos 14 centuries ago. Muslim scholars wrote entire works on this theme. Even at the heated moment of the war, do not take the fear of God out of your hearts; do not forget that without the divine guidance and assistance of God, you could accomplish nothing; always remember that Islam is the religion of peace and love.

The courage, heroism and taqwa of the Messenger of God should always be a model for you. “Do not step over the orchards and fields ready to be harvested; be respectful toward the monks and recluses inhabiting the temples, and those who dedicated themselves to God, and do not injure them; do not kill civilians, do not treat women improperly, and do not wound the feelings of the defeated; do not accept gifts from native inhabitants; do not try to shelter your soldiers in the houses of the inhabitants; do not ever miss your five daily prayers. Fear God! And do not forget that death can find you at any time. Therefore, always be ready to face death.” (3)
Commandments such as these are in the historical record as advice to heads of states, reminding commanders to remember God when they were sent to war zones.

Why then is there this loud call for jihad, and what does “jihad” in Islam really mean? Many people are disturbed when they hear the word jihad, worried that they might be swept up in a wave of imminent violence. According to Gülen, numerous Islamic concepts, including jihad, have been misunderstood, due to a disconnect with their traditional, historical meanings, and due to their willful misrepresentation by some misguided Muslims and others who have a vested interest in Islam being misunderstood. About jihad, he says:
Jihad, a noun in Arabic, is derived from the root jahd or juhd, and means using all one’s strength within human power. Therefore, jihad means making an effort and resisting every difficulty. Jihad means the job of attaining one’s true essence. The greater jihad [internal struggle] is the effort to attain one’s essence by using all one’s strength and power and resisting all obstacles; the lesser jihad [external struggle] is the process of enabling someone else to attain his or her essence. (4)

In the words of the Messenger of God, the greater jihad is a struggle against the carnal soul [nafs], the purification of one’s humanity, to reach purity, to acquire merit in the sight of God, to purify the mind from false assumptions, wrong thoughts and superstitious beliefs, with acts such as worship, repentance [seeking forgiveness], austerity [less food, less drink, less sleep], purification of the heart, learning the Qur’an and its wisdom with a purified heart and mind, and the act of acquiring other forms of knowledge.

The lesser jihad is not restricted to battlefields, for this would narrow its traditional semantic horizon considerably. The spectrum of jihad is vast. Sometimes it is a word or silence, a frown or a smile, leaving or entering an assembly, in short, everything done for God’s sake, including regulating love and anger according to His approval, are all encompassed by this concept. In every aspect of life, in every segment of society, in every effort maintained in order to improve [life and society] are included in the meaning of jihad. In a sense, the lesser jihad is material while the greater jihad is spiritual.

When both kinds of jihad are carried out successfully, the desired balance is established. If one is missing, the balance is destroyed. The lesser jihad is our active fulfillment of Islam’s commands and duties and the performance of what is expected. The greater jihad is the fulfillment of these commandments with sincerity and conscientiousness; it is proclaiming a total war on our own ego’s destructive, negative emotions and thoughts, a very difficult and complicated task.(5)
Source: Ergil, Doğu. 2012. Fethullah Gülen and The Gülen Movement in 100 Questions. New York: Blue Dome Press. Pages: 93-95

Notes:
(1) Gülen, Fethullah. 2005. Kirik Testi 4: Umit Burcu (Broken Pitcher, vol. 4: The Constellation of Hope). Istanbul: Gazeteciler ve Yazarlar Vakfi. Page 207
(2) Ibid., 207-208
(3) Sevindi, Nevval. 2002. Fethullah Gülen’le Global Hosgoru ve New York Sohbetleri. Istanbul: Timas. Pages 28-29
(4) Unal, Ali. 2002. M. Fethullah Gülen: Bir Portre Denemesi. Istanbul: Nil. Page 192
(5) Gülen, Fethullah. 1998. Asrin Getirdigi Tereddutler-3. Izmir: Nil. Page 206

Published on http://www.gulenmovement.us/how-does-fethullah-gulen-perceive-those-who-find-islam-and-violence-compatible.html, 14 November 2014, Friday
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